It appears that everyone got played, from the Canadian media to the Liberal Party and Jody Wilson-Raybould. The SNC Lavalin affair took out some of the biggest players in the Canadian government, including the prime minister’s principal advisor, clerk of the privy council, and the attorney general. It’s a stark reminder the election is on, even before the writ drops.
I will now perform the post mortem analysis, armed with new details that were hidden from testimony to the justice committee. The reality is this scandal had less to do with SNC Lavalin than it did with Jody Wilson-Raybould’s indigenous heritage. A campaign was afoot against the former attorney general by various partisan interests to undermine her reputation and hamstring Liberals from making legal progress on the Indigenous Rights Framework promise.
The only question is – was Jody Wilson-Raybould a completely unwitting target, or did she willingly participate at any point, against the interests of her party? Hopefully this assessment will provide her with a safer space to explain certain actions than the viciously skewed battle-ring constructed by Canada’s hyper-partisan media.
Please note that sources will be linked for your inspection, including archived copies of the same pages (where possible) in case originals are deleted from the internet.
This begins with a helpful timeline that puts agendas in greater perspective, followed by sections examining key players, the relevant conflicts between them, and the potential legal consequences for Canadian press freedom.
An Illuminating Timeline
2014 – Multiple charges are laid against SNC Lavalin executives, related to the Libyan bribery scandal.
February 13, 2015 – Sami Bebawi, the former vice president of SNC Lavalin construction, is released on bail for obstruction of justice charges related to the Libyan bribery scandal. Charges were originally filed in 2014, but the accused was delayed in returning to Canada. (original + archive)
February 11, 2016 – SNC Lavalin begins lobbying the prime minister’s office (PMO), Liberal cabinet ministers, and several opposition MP’s including Andrew Scheer (Conservative leader) and Jagmeet Singh (NDP leader) for a deferred prosecution agreement (DPA), after firing its bad apples from the company. (original + archive)
***Edit – After publishing, NDP candidates took to social media to deny Jagmeet Singh’s involvement. A link to the lobbying record between NDP officials and SNC Lavalin is now provided, to resolve that partisan attempt at misinformation. (original + archive) Also added is the full lobbying record of SNC Lavalin, identifying every government official from every party they met with, in an effort to secure a DPA. (original – click Monthly Communication Reports for chronological list)
July 8, 2016 – The Supreme Court of Canada rules on R v. Jordan, setting a precedent that defendants must be tried within 18 months of being criminally charged, or within 30 months if a preliminary inquiry is pursued. (original + archive)
December 12, 2017 – Justice Richard Wagner is appointed by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Canada. He was previously selected by former Conservative Prime Minister Stephen Harper. Wagner is the son of a former Quebec Liberal cabinet minister and federal candidate for Conservative leadership. Peers describe his rulings as somewhat Conservative leaning, although he’s upheld Charter rights on significant cases favouring Liberals. (original + archive)
May, 2018 – A private member’s bill (C-262) by MP Romeo Saganash (NDP) to harmonize federal laws with the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) passes the first reading, with Conservatives voting against it. (original + archive)
September, 2018 – The Liberal government implements deferred prosecution agreements (DPA’s) in the omnibus budget bill, bringing Canada up to speed with our trading partners – the United States, United Kingdom, and France – to ensure they don’t have an unfair advantage – also to protect employees and pensioners who were not involved in wrongdoing. (original + archive)
September, 2018 – While still Attorney General, Jody Wilson-Raybould battles with the Minister of Crown-Indigenous Relations, Carolyn Bennett, over the implementation of an Indigenous Rights Framework. The Trudeau government promised this action, but Bennett was opposed to moving quickly enough for this to happen before the next election. She also opposed the Department of Justice having control of the legal aspects, despite the attorney general’s expertise. (original + archive)
End of October, 2018 – The Privy Council Office (PCO/Wernick) requests a legal opinion from the Department of Justice regarding the potential impacts if SNC Lavalin is criminally convicted. As attorney general, Jody Wilson-Raybould instructed her deputy minister to withhold that report. (original + archive)
This is arguably insubordination, for refusing to provide legal advice to the PMO. The request didn’t constitute pressure to offer a DPA; instead asking what happens when one is denied. The legislation enabling a deferred prosecution agreement had only been live for one month when the prosecutor denied this option to SNC Lavalin. Also denied was advice to seek outside legal guidance on using a DPA, by the attorney general.
November 28, 2018 – Jody Wilson-Raybould texts with Gerry Butts (PMO) about the Indigenous Rights Framework, to advise she fulfilled an important part of her mandate letter from the prime minister. She advises she would publish the Attorney General Indigenous Litigation Directive the following day and she’s very happy about it. Wilson-Raybould indicates she negotiated with fellow ministers and notably, Conservative lawyers within the Department of Justice, to gain their approval. She fielded concerns from the PMO on this very day and presumably gained their support, because Butts doesn’t respond for a week and never dissents. (original + Scribd docs)
December 11, 2018 – Jody Wilson-Raybould texts with Gerry Butts (PMO) again, this time inquiring about changes the prime minister wants to the Attorney General Indigenous Litigation Directive (informal working title), what the outcome was at a cabinet meeting, and if she had approval to distribute these guidelines. She assures Butts that she made all the changes required by “Elder” (Elder Marques, senior policy advisor to the prime minister). They wouldn’t resume texting again until a month later. (original + Scribd docs)
December 19, 2018 – Clerk of the Privy Council Michael Wernick (PCO) meets with Prime Minister Justin Trudeau for lunch. Wernick testified that he attempted to contact Attorney General Jody Wilson-Raybould later in the day at her home, to discuss SNC Lavalin and the consequences of her decision on whether to intervene in the case. (Some phone tag ensued before the two got in touch.) (original + archive)
December 19, 2018 – Jody Wilson-Raybould meets with ex Conservative prime minister Kim Campbell at a coffee shop in Vancouver, for advice on political interference in the attorney general’s office and the latter’s experience with the David Milgaard case for comparison. (original + archive)
December 19, 2018 – Jody Wilson-Raybould calls Michael Wernick back about the SNC Lavalin matter and records the conversation without informing him. (Bear in mind there is a three hour time difference between Ontario and British Columbia.) (video analysis + full call audio + archive)
As with many journalists, lawyers, and pundits, I argue this is a breach of ethics and give reasons in a viral Twitter essay. The thread addresses cabinet confidentiality and solicitor-client privilege as different paths to arrive at the same conclusion. (original + archive)
January 8, 2019 – After a few days of phone tag, Jody Wilson-Raybould learns she’s being moved from the attorney general post and texts with Gerry Butts (PMO) about the appearance of being “pushed out”. (original + Scribd docs)
January 9 & 10, 2019 – Jody Wilson-Raybould is on vacation in Bali. She and Gerry Butts (PMO) have trouble getting in touch with one another, and she acknowledges her fate being in his hands. Butts responds that it’s okay if she wants to tune out and enjoy her vacation for the next couple days. (original + Scribd docs)
January 11, 2019 – While still on vacation, Jody Wilson-Raybould publishes the Attorney General of Canada’s Directive on Civil Litigation Involving Indigenous Peoples on the Department of Justice (DOJ) website. It’s important to read this document in its entirety, because it’s at the heart of the current controversy and what the former attorney general is trying to protect – from Minister of Crown-Indigenous Relations Carolyn Bennett, Conservative lawyers in the DOJ, and through negotiations with cabinet, the PCO (Wernick), and PMO (Butts/Trudeau/Elder). (original + archive)
January 14, 2019 – Dr. Jane Philpott is shuffled from Minister of Indigenous Services to President of the Treasury Board and Minister of Digital Government. Jody Wilson-Raybould is shuffled from the Attorney General’s Office and Minister of Justice, to become the Minister of Veterans Affairs. (original + archive)
In response, Wilson-Raybould publishes a poignant letter addressing Indigenous issues that was subsequently deleted from the Liberal website upon ejecting her from the party. (original PDF now missing)
February 7, 2019 – The Globe and Mail publishes an exposé that claims the PMO politically interfered in the SNC Lavalin prosecution and placed undue pressure on Jody Wilson-Raybould to offer the corporation a deferred prosecution agreement (DPA). Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Principal Secretary Gerry Butts (PMO), and Clerk of the Privy Council Michael Wernick (PCO) all denied the allegation, that was based on an anonymous source. (archive for those without a subscription)
One point of contention is the leaker cited confidential information within the Prime Minister’s Office that only staff in the PMO or PCO would be privy to.
February 12, 2019 – Jody Wilson-Raybould resigns as Minister of Veterans Affairs. A number of anonymous sources leaked to media that senior government officials, including the prime minister, tried to negotiate with Wilson-Raybould for weeks leading up to this moment. They say the former attorney general had a number of conditions, such as apologizing and firing Gerry Butts, as well as Michael Wernick – but obviously that mediation was unsuccessful.
Five conditions were reported but the leakers would only describe three, with no explanation why they withheld part of the information. This indicates again that only Cabinet, the PCO, and PMO would have been privy to these details, to be able to inform reporters. (original + archive)
February 18, 2019 – Gerald Butts (aka Gerry) resigns as Principal Advisor to the Prime Minister. His letter is distributed to the public and he cites anonymous allegations against him regarding SNC Lavalin as the reason for his departure. He says those allegations are false and reiterates his good working relationship with Jody Wilson-Raybould throughout. This positive relationship is supported by Wilson-Raybould’s similar recollections and the text messages they shared previously, in contrast to the media’s depiction as adversarial. (original + archive)
February 22, 2019 – Conservative MP Lisa Raitt, Deputy Leader of the Opposition, floats the idea that Jody Wilson-Raybould believed she was removed as the attorney general due to her position on the Indigenous reconciliation file. (original + archive)
February 27, 2019 – Jody Wilson-Raybould testifies at the justice committee. She claims to have faced undue pressure to intervene in the SNC Lavalin case and offer a deferred prosecution agreement (DPA). (original transcript + archive)
February 27, 2019 – Self-professed Liberal strategist (and lawyer) Warren Kinsella publishes a photo of his wife, Lisa Kinsella, hugging Jody Wilson-Raybould upon conclusion of her testimony. This caused a stir on social media where he also posted and it was deleted shortly after. However, the Google cache retained a copy from the original webpage. (original deleted + cache copy + archive)
February 28, 2019 – Social media and Liberal activist ‘Paddy O’Limerick’ commented about the photo Warren Kinsella posted on Twitter of his wife hugging Jody Wilson-Raybould, in connection with the SNC Lavalin scandal. (archive)
Kinsella responded by trying to obtain her personal information in a threatening way and the internet considered this a threat to dox her.
Concerned individuals reported the threat to Twitter, but the social media company declined to intervene because ‘Paddy’s’ personal information had not yet been published. They decided that threats to publicly identify a user’s name and address are within the terms of service. (original + archive)
While Twitter may condone this behaviour and driving women off the internet, I warned the parties that Pat (aka Patty, Paddy) is the wife of a police officer through my personal and professional knowledge. This is why she uses an alias, to protect the safety of her family. (original + archive)
It is unknown if doxxing is considered conduct unbecoming of a lawyer by any law society. I’m not aware of a professional complaint being filed, although additional considerations about Mr. Kinsella are addressed in a subsequent section.
March 4, 2019 – Dr. Jane Philpott resigns as Treasury Board President and Minister of Digital Government. She makes this decision in support of Jody Wilson-Raybould and claims she has lost confidence in this government, over the handling of SNC Lavalin. (original + archive)
March 6, 2019 – Former Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister, Gerald Butts (aka Gerry), testifies at the justice committee. He doesn’t wish to quarrel with Jody Wilson-Raybould about their recollection of events, but denies putting pressure on the ex attorney general regarding SNC Lavalin. Instead he reports in their December 5, 2018 meeting that she was primarily concerned with the Indigenous rights and civil litigation directive. (original transcript + archive)
March 6, 2019 – Clerk of the Privy Council, Michael Wernick, testifies again and publishes a supplementary statement on the government website. In the last paragraph he warns the justice committee needs to investigate the Attorney General of Canada’s Directive on Civil Litigation Involving Indigenous Peoples that Jody Wilson-Raybould published on January 11, 2019, because ‘it marks a profound change in the legal landscape’. He advises it can be easily rescinded, and characterizes the question of support for Wilson-Raybould’s directive as an election wedge issue. (original + archive)
March 8, 2019 – A federal judge rejects SNC Lavalin’s application for judicial review of the prosecutor’s refusal to negotiate a DPA. The court cited the company’s failure to suggest there had been an abuse of process. (original + archive)
March 18, 2019 – Michael Wernick resigns as Clerk of the Privy Council. He cites the non-partisan duties of an impending election and that ‘there is no path to have a relationship of mutual trust and respect with the leaders of the Opposition parties’. (original + archive)
March 19, 2019 – The Trudeau Liberal government delivers the federal (election) budget, but it fails to gain much traction against the political sniping surrounding Jody Wilson-Raybould and SNC Lavalin. (original + archive)
March 19, 2019 – A photo is sent to Susan Delacourt (Liberal columnist at the Toronto Star and iPolitics) depicting Jody Wilson-Raybould, Dr. Jane Philpott, and Lisa Kinsella engaged in a post-budget chat at Chateau Laurier. Kinsella is Warren’s wife and his partner in the Daisy Group political consulting business. She was with Wilson-Raybould at the conclusion of the latter’s testimony as well. (original + archive)
March 20, 2019 – Retired judge, Brian Giesbrecht, publishes a screed against Jody Wilson-Raybould for her directive to the Department of Justice regarding Indigenous rights and how to approach civil litigation involving Section 35 matters. Giesbrecht claims that Jody Wilson-Raybould instructed federal lawyers not to appeal decisions against the government and a wide range of boogeyman allegations; but that simplistic regurgitation isn’t wholly true, nor is it a reasonable representation of the former attorney general’s guidelines. For context, Giesbrecht is a senior fellow at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy – a known Conservative institution. He also published in Troy Media, that plainly states it is a Conservative operation. (original + archive)
March 21, 2019 – Dr. Jane Philpott gives an exclusive interview to Macleans and claims, “There’s much more to the story that needs to be told.” She encourages the government to tell Canadians the truth, but withholds what truth she’s talking about. (original + archive)
March 24, 2019 – Owner of the Daisy Group political consulting firm, Warren Kinsella, trades friendly repartée with ex Conservative prime minister Kim Campbell and brags about his nickname as the Prince of Darkness. (archive)
March 25, 2019 – An anonymous source leaks that Jody Wilson-Raybould recommended Justice Glenn Joyal for Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Canada. This information is highly confidential and she is criticized for backing a known Conservative, who took issue with Charter rights being used as a means of political activism to ‘govern from the bench’.
This source knew the former attorney general submitted a 60-page report in support of Joyal and the only people who would have known this fine detail are close colleagues in the Department of Justice, the PCO/PMO, or the ‘independent’ advisory board that was headed by former Conservative Prime Minister Kim Campbell. (original + archive)
March 25, 2019 – Chief Justice Glenn Joyal of the Manitoba Court of Queen’s Bench slams the government leaker and Canadian media for engaging in a political smear campaign using his name. Joyal corrects the propaganda and reports that he withdrew his name from Supreme Court deliberations due to his wife’s cancer diagnosis before a decision was made. (archive for those without a subscription)
March 26, 2019 – One day later, another anonymous source peddled more detailed information about Jody Wilson-Raybould’s thought process behind nominating Justice Glenn Joyal over Justice Richard Wagner. This leaker had such exclusive access to the highest levels of government that they must have received the former attorney general’s 60-page nomination report. These details indicate a serious breach in parliamentary security. (archive for those without a subscription)
March 26, 2019 – Self-proclaimed Liberal strategist (also attorney) Warren Kinsella slams Prime Minister Justin Trudeau as blameworthy for the leak about Justice Joyal and the Supreme Court appointments process. He claims the PMO is responsible for a campaign to smear Jody Wilson-Raybould. (original + archive)
April 1, 2019 – A preliminary inquiry concludes and a judge must decide if there is enough evidence to proceed with a trial against the SNC Lavalin corporation, regarding the Libyan bribery scandal. (original + archive)
April 1, 2019 – Bill C-262 (by Romeo Saganash, NDP) to harmonize federal laws with Indigenous rights enters the second reading at the senate level. The Assembly of First Nations urges support to pass this legislation (given that Conservatives voted against it). (original + archive)
April 2, 2019 – Former Principal Secretary Gerry Butts (PMO) submits his text messages with Jody Wilson-Raybould in response to her testimony at the justice committee, and to supplement his own statement. They largely confirm both parties’ recollections that SNC Lavalin was hardly mentioned. (original + Scribd docs)
April 2, 2019 – Jody Wilson-Raybould and Dr. Jane Philpott are ejected from the Liberal Party of Canada. The former shares an impassioned plea about remaining with the party, but the prime minister reports that trust is broken with the government caucus. (original + archive)
Wilson-Raybould urges, “… rather than letting authority be the truth, let truth be the authority.”
April 3, 2019 – Jody Wilson-Raybould attends the Daughters of the Vote event on Parliament Hill. She cites supporting the young ladies, but also ex Conservative Prime Minister Kim Campbell, whom she believes is an “amazing person”. (original + archive)
April 4, 2019 – Bullets are fired at the home of Toronto city councilor, John Filion, and CBC host, Anna Maria Tremonti. The event is so recent that police don’t know if the attacker was motivated by his municipal work, or possibly her coverage of Jody Wilson-Raybould. (original + archive)
April 5, 2019 – Conrad Black publishes a screed against Jody Wilson-Raybould in the National Post. He opens by accusing the former attorney general of advancing Indigenous causes at the “expense of the Canadian national interest”. Only after attacking her racial heritage does he continue with the SNC Lavalin matter. (original + archive)
For context, Conrad Black was publisher of the National Post and that newspaper was founded by fellows from the Fraser Institute, in an effort to broadcast more Conservative voices into Canadian media. This included Ezra Levant, Jon Kay, and Conservative Member of Parliament John Williamson. (original + archive)
Black cited his motivation as a response to the Globe and Mail; a publication the disgraced Lord deemed to be a Liberal platform. But the Globe and Mail has since revealed its own Conservative bias, when editor-in-chief David Walmsly overrode the editorial board’s endorsement of a Liberal government. In a haphazard fashion, it was changed to support one of the worst-performing Conservative leaders in Canadian history and silence the paper’s journalists. (original + archive)
April 5, 2019 – Now as an independent member of parliament, Jody Wilson-Raybould provides an interview to Mercedes Stephenson at Global News. The ex attorney general makes a valid point that she was never criticized or disciplined for her job performance prior to resigning from cabinet. Even as the Globe and Mail allegations broke pertaining to SNC Lavalin, the prime minister and principal secretary supported her. It therefore stands to reason that any criticism afterwards may be classified as a smear campaign. (original + archive)
Insofar as getting a fair shake from colleagues and media goes, it doesn’t appear that Mercedes Stephenson disclosed her conflict of interest with Jody Wilson-Raybould. In 2010 the journalist participated with Gerry Butts in penning a report for the G20 that praised the effect of climate change opening the Canadian Arctic for business. It was crass and harboured racist attitudes toward the Indigenous peoples and their traditional food sources. (Scribd doc)
Liberal Women Divided Over Indigenous Affairs
If you skipped it before, it would be prudent to read Jody Wilson-Raybould’s Attorney General of Canada’s Directive on Civil Litigation Involving Indigenous Peoples now. (original + archive) It was the most important work she did at the Department of Justice and the most controversial to Conservative opponents, as well as Michael Wernick (PCO) and nail-biters in the PMO.
A full reading indicates she did not preclude government appeals against Indigenous claims, as the retired Conservative judge exclaimed. In fact, she walked an incredibly careful path to fulfill her mandate from the prime minister without hamstringing government lawyers from addressing Section 35 matters and civil litigation. Jody Wilson-Raybould did what she was instructed to accomplish. This despite opposition from Minister of Crown-Indigenous Relations Carolyn Bennett, and misogynist whisper campaigns that she was “difficult”.
Dr. Bennett carries herself like the white saviour of Indigenous peoples and it’s plain to see she resented any lived and legal experience from Jody Wilson-Raybould. Michael Wernick (PCO) went so far as to defend Dr. Bennett’s honour in his justice committee testimony and the policy spat he revealed between the women was widely covered by the media. It’s just unfortunate the narrative was spun to impugn the former attorney general as the party who was being “difficult”. That’s an entirely different ilk of putting pressure on Wilson-Raybould, to see her name destroyed if she didn’t come to another minister’s heel. (original + archive)
Moreover, Dr. Bennett came to Michael Wernick’s defence when he was appointed by Trudeau as Clerk of the Privy Council. Previously Wernick was the Deputy Minister of Indian (sic) Affairs under the leadership of former Conservative prime minister, Stephen Harper. These were cruel years to First Nations and he was part of the campaign that implemented spying and disruption tactics against Indigenous advocates. (original + archive)
Cindy Blackstock is only one example and she was tormented for filing a human rights claim as executive director of the First Nation Child and Family Caring Society. The Assembly of First Nations supported Blackstock and she eventually won in a ruling that blasted the federal government for discriminating against Indigenous children by underfunding child welfare agencies on reserves.
Wernick was tasked with an investigation into the spying allegations and he fudged a report to absolve the Conservative administration of any wrongdoing whatsoever. He was later refuted by the privacy commissioner who independently investigated and confirmed the anti-Indigenous spy campaign was in fact true. (original + archive)
In Wernick’s testimony to the justice committee, he acknowledged a policy stand-off between Minister of Crown-Indigenous Relations Carolyn Bennett and Minister of Justice/Attorney General Jody Wilson-Raybould. But Wernick never describes the policy they disagreed about and the only one it wouldn’t be is SNC Lavalin.
Dr. Philpott was the Minister of Indigenous Services and had to work with Dr. Bennett on the most regular basis out of all the cabinet ministers. Their jobs were related to serve the Indigenous population and both these women are physicians. But Dr. Philpott took a principled stand and supported Jody Wilson-Raybould, as an Indigenous attorney general, over Dr. Bennett and every other person in Cabinet.
Philpott repeatedly warns there is more to this story and she compels Cabinet to be honest with the Canadian people. She accuses the prime minister and his closest advisors of ‘shutting down the story’, but never reveals what part of the story she feels is being silenced.
Likewise, Jody Wilson-Raybould won’t disclose two of her conditions for staying with the party, before her unceremonious ejection occurred. The high-ranking government leakers who peddled that story to multiple news agencies won’t discuss those two conditions either.
Despite Gerry Butts tabling his text messages with Jody Wilson-Raybould, her Attorney General of Canada’s Directive on Civil Litigation Involving Indigenous Peoples is the one thing that can’t be mentioned – even though it was part of their recurring discussions and part of the justice committee evidence.
But key Conservatives are squawking about it and Micheal Wernick tried to make this directive an election issue. In some circles it’s been suggested that Jody Wilson-Raybould owed a deferred prosecution agreement to SNC Lavalin, to equalize the favoured treatment she’s been accused of giving to First Nations.
In a text conversation with the prime minister’s principal advisor, Wilson-Raybould further discusses the approval she needed from Conservative lawyers within the Department of Justice. The DOJ is supposed to be non-partisan, yet two of the highest-ranking officials in the country acknowledged needing that partisan buy-in to be able to proceed with the Indigenous directive. No one is questioning the tyranny of an attorney general needing to pacify the Opposition within the public service.
Jody Wilson-Raybould may have committed an ethical breach when she recorded Michael Wernick without informing him. It appears she may have been insubordinate when she instructed her deputy minister to withhold the legal opinion on SNC Lavalin from the Privy Council. This requires discipline.
If we were to view this situation through a tort law lens, it could be compared to a drunk driving accident. The drunk driver causes the accident, but the victim with injuries wasn’t wearing a seatbelt. In cases like these the victim is still entitled to damages, but they lose 25 percent of the settlement due to their part in the negligence for failing to wear a seatbelt. In Canadian law our judgment doesn’t have to be all-or-nothing.
It’s apparent there were extenuating circumstances for Jody Wilson-Raybould and a multi-faceted political campaign to deeply undermine her. It doesn’t seem even-handed to throw the baby out with the bathwater, and Canada’s relationship with Indigenous peoples along with it. The former attorney general’s Indigenous directive is at stake and this is a decisive moment in Canadian history. Whether Cabinet and mainstream media want to discuss this or not, the repercussions of excluding Wilson-Raybould for writing that directive will reverberate for decades. This also comes after the Conservative experiment with attempting to manipulate Senator Patrick Brazeau.
Dr. Philpott and Ms. Wilson-Raybould were willing to sit as back benchers and still contribute the wealth of their experience to representing constituents. Extraordinary investments were made in their professional development and it’s being wasted so a timid government can keep secrets about Indigenous issues as we head into an election. The Conservatives and NDP must not have wanted to be pigeonholed on reconciliation either, because it was their duty to know this and they chose to ignore or remain silent.
The truth of the matter with SNC Lavalin is that two executives were exonerated when everyone wasn’t looking. Lengthy court delays intervened to make this a non-issue; and the Jordan ruling may yet prevail to dismiss the case against the corporation. If SNC Lavalin is forced to trial, they could still plead political interference based on the government leakers and partisan media spectacle over the past two months, non-stop. This isn’t a justifiable reason to discourage women in politics, or sever communication with Indigenous partners.
On Warren Kinsella’s Inner Battle With Liberals
I’m well aware that Mr. Kinsella threatens lawsuits against his detractors liberally. We tangoed once before when his wife was an executive at ORNGE (the Ontario air ambulance) and that company was spectacularly scandalized. This section will begin by taking that elephant out of the room and thanking Kathleen Wynne for SLAPP legislation that was long overdue in Ontario. If Kinsella engages in silencing tactics anyway, perhaps the Ottawa bubble will pitch in for a Kickstarter campaign to fund a proper defence of press freedom. Preaching for Jody Wilson-Raybould to be allowed to speak her truth doesn’t mesh with censoring the analysts who know a thing or two about it.
It’s become necessary to address the Kinsellas because they’re ingratiating themselves to Jody Wilson-Raybould and implanting their influence in the SNC Lavalin matter. The former attorney general wouldn’t be familiar with the company she’s been keeping, or their conflict of interest with Indigenous issues that are being muffled by all the players.
Warren Kinsella projects himself as a Liberal strategist, and indeed he was integral to the Ontario McGuinty government. (archive) He was also a staffer to Jean Chrétien, who was eventually undone by Paul Martin in a Liberal family coup. McGuinty was turfed as one of the most shady administrations and these rifts within the party have never quite healed. (archive) You can gauge that damage through the behaviour of Sheila Copps, lately on social media.
Gerry Butts is the best friend of current Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, but he was McGuinty’s principal secretary before assuming the same role with Trudeau. (archive) Both Kinsella and Butts were instrumental to the Liberal administration when the ORNGE bribery/kickback scheme was transpiring.
The maiden name of Warren’s wife is Lisa Kirbie. She was one of the most central figures to the ORNGE scandal, as the director of government relations. She handled the paperwork for ORNGE, to-and-from government, that was pivotal to the police investigation. (original + archive)
Uncovering the problems at ORNGE occurred because an issue of public safety arose for patients they were transporting. It ballooned into an alleged $4.7 million boondoggle and Kirbie was fired from the company in the course of the fallout. She was offered a severance package, but sued for more on the basis of damages for sexual harassment allegations that were filed after being terminated. (original + archive)
Before leaving the company, Kirbie secretly recorded executives in her effort to substantiate the allegations, that included holding Alfred Apps responsible for the ORNGE scandal as the “mastermind”. Apps was a lawyer for ORNGE and president of the Liberal Party of Canada. He adamantly denied Kirbie’s accusations, but was turfed as party president due to the bad press. (original + archive)
Not only did Apps leave his post at the helm of the Liberal Party, but he also resigned from Fasken Martineau. The law firm continued to represent ORNGE and Apps departed to practice with his brother. He says that departure had nothing to do with the ORNGE file. Nor has he ever been charged with an offence. (original + archive)
As a sidebar, Fasken Martineau is now representing Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer, to defend against libel allegations levied by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau regarding the SNC Lavalin dispute. (original + archive)
Kirbie was dating Kinsella at the time of the ORNGE scandal and they married a short while later. It’s unknown what came of her wrongful dismissal suit, but her secret recordings never resulted in criminal repercussions for the company. Only the key colleagues she worked with were terminated or resigned in kind. Their reputations were also destroyed. (original + archive)
Continuing, Warren Kinsella is one of the grandfathers of negative attack ads in Canadian politics and he is proud to defend that strategy. (archive) He is a practising lawyer in Ontario, subject to the Rules of Professional Conduct. (original) He’s the owner/operator of The Daisy Group, a political and public relations consulting firm. (archive) He’s also a Sun Media columnist, who once skirted a libel suit brought by a diplomat based on a technicality. (original + archive)
Kinsella defended Ezra Levant’s Sun News Network when the channel was closed, as a matter of press freedom that ignored the bigotry and racism it promoted. It was a sister to the Sun newspaper where Kinsella publishes and he frequently appeared on their political television programs. (archive)
Sun Media was owned by Québecor until 2015. (archive) And former Conservative Prime Minister Brian Mulroney remains Chairman of the Board at Québecor. (original + archive) Pierre Karl Péladeau is the CEO of Québecor and past CEO of Sun Media, as well as being the former Leader of the Parti Québécois. He’s best known for his political stance as a Québec separatist and ran for the PQ in a riding that is a stone’s throw from Justin Trudeau’s Liberal constituency. (archive) These are, or have been, the employers of Warren Kinsella.
On the political front, and despite Kinsella’s professed Liberal identity, he worked the John Tory municipal campaign and counts Nick Kouvalis as a best friend. (archive) John Tory is the former leader of Ontario Progressive Conservatives and in that time he ran against Dalton McGuinty for premier. (archive) Nick Kouvalis ran Kellie Leitch’s campaign for leadership of the federal Conservatives, that was widely denounced for racism, Islamophobia, and the pursuit of a snitch line. (archive) He also has a criminal record for drunk driving and an incident related to a different Conservative campaign. (archive) The beef between Canadian media and Kouvalis is that he embraced and defended the spread of fake news, as a source that gleefully libelled Justin Trudeau. (archive)
On April 1, 2019 Kinsella and Kouvalis collaborated again, for the purpose of a Sun News article that was a takedown of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. Kinsella promoted Kouvalis as a trustworthy authority, and among their comments was a nod to #Gropegate (wherein Trudeau was accused of inappropriately touching a reporter). They further noted that PMJT can only win the impending election if he picks up more votes in Québec. Coincidentally, that’s where SNC Lavalin is located. (archive)
But in that article Kinsella forgot to disclose that he was the source of #Gropegate. He forgot to disclose that he advised one of Kent Hehr’s accusers, while also writing extensively about that #MeToo scandal that resulted in Hehr’s removal from the federal Liberal Cabinet. (archive)
Although Warren Kinsella vows he is a Liberal strategist, he has a history of batting for more than one team and sniping out more high profile Liberals than the Opposition could dream of. He was ejected from the Olivia Chow mayoral campaign and the feeling was apparently mutual. (archive) He’s attempting to assist the Conservative’s Andrew Scheer in the current election against Trudeau. (archive) In the Hill Times he’s attempting to assist the NDP’s Jagmeet Singh. (archive) All the while Kinsella claims to be close enough to the PMO to know that former Prime Minister Brian Mulroney is the (Conservative) leader that Trudeau speaks with most frequently. (archive)
He even harbours ill feelings toward former Liberal Prime Minister Paul Martin and former Liberal Ontario Premier Kathleen Wynne. For the record, it was Martin who recruited Jody Wilson-Raybould on behalf of Justin Trudeau. (archive)
Kinsella has an interesting take on what constitutes a conflict of interest, but none could be more concerning than his precarious situation and attitude toward Indigenous matters.
In celebrating the Daisy Group’s 10-year anniversary, Kinsella boasted about some of his clients. They include: all levels of the Liberal Party, bar associations, law firms, the Department of Justice (where Jody Wilson-Raybould used to work), Indian (sic) Affairs (where Michael Wernick used to work), and a couple of First Nations. (archive)
Warren Kinsella fathered a child from the Carcross Tagish First Nation. He’s deleted most entries that cited his daughter, but kept one published that notes the reserve’s recent support for Jody Wilson-Raybould. (archive)
Other entries on Kinsella’s personal website that reference his Indigenous daughter are deleted from 2012, during Stephen Harper’s tenure. The following titles are no longer available:
Aug 2012 – In Carcross Tagish Territory Tonight
Sept 2012 – CTFN: This Is My Daughter’s First Nation
More recently he deleted an entry about his wife’s involvement with Jody Wilson-Raybould, surrounding her justice committee testimony. Now missing from the site is this title:
It should be noted that Lisa Kinsella joined the Daisy Group as a managing partner after leaving ORNGE. She’s originally from British Columbia, where Jody Wilson-Raybould calls home.
So Warren Kinsella and the Daisy Group have professionally represented First Nations, including the one where his daughter resides. (archive) But he also claims to have been an advisor to former prime ministers Chrétien, Martin, and Harper on Indigenous issues and doesn’t see it as a conflict of interest. Representing the government’s Indian (sic) Affairs didn’t ring any warning bells either. (archive)
To read the tone of Kinsella’s sentiments toward Indigenous peoples is confusing at best. He sympathizes with their suffering, yet also claims that Indigenous leaders bear much responsibility for the ongoing crises. He wields accusations that have been decried as racist, such as blaming elders for misappropriating their government reparations. For example, Kinsella took a hard line against Attawapiskat and Chief Theresa Spence. (archive)
He further describes his position at the Daisy Group as a government and public relations consultant who is “living in spin” and an “apprentice of the dark arts”. (archive)
On the serious side however, the Carcross Tagish First Nation is where the Klondike Gold Rush began. It was also one of the first Indigenous reserves converted to a fee simple municipality, as the Harper Conservatives formed government. The negotiations transpired under Paul Martin’s Liberals and came into effect in 2006. The agreement extinguished Indigenous rights in many regards and opened their land for mining, akin to SNC Lavalin interests. It also brought them into the Canadian taxation schedule. (original government link + downloadable PDF, 583 pages)
Warren Kinsella failed to see the irony when his daughter’s First Nation, the one that he represented, gave him a carving of a shark turning into a man. (archive)
Within six years of signing onto the fee simple municipality structure, the Carcross Tagish First Nation was fighting to change the agreement. A number of clauses in the settlement with government prevent that from happening, however. (original + archive)
The client list at Daisy Group is full of potential conflicts, between groups and governments, First Nations and governments, as well as various businesses and governments. Unfortunately Warren Kinsella’s policy to deal with these conflicts is not as prominently featured. (archive)
What Kinsella did to silence his detractors is possibly just as alarming. He sued Twitter because the social media giant didn’t remove a post that was critical of his adventures. Instead of going after the commentator for libel and proving the allegation, he forced Twitter to settle with him or face the prospect of setting a legal precedent that would undoubtedly affect its investors. Twitter settled with Kinsella for $200,000. (original + archive)
And then, somehow, Twitter became a Daisy Group client. (archive)
Only Jody Wilson-Raybould knows if the Kinsellas disclosed these details to her. Only she can tell us if she was aware that the attorney general’s Indigenous directive conflicts with the fee simple approach. Regardless of her knowledge though, SNC Lavalin has an interest in the way this plays out.
Potential Legal Consequences For Canada & Canadian Journalism
A number of leaks have now occurred from the highest levels of the Canadian government. Whether it’s about the policy on deferred prosecution agreements, deliberations for a Supreme Court judge, the Khadr settlement (archive), or Jody Wilson-Raybould’s conditions to Cabinet, only the PMO, PCO, or Department of Justice could be responsible for them. A campaign to remove the attorney general couldn’t be more clear and two of the people who aren’t behind this are Wilson-Raybould and Trudeau.
But as a country we are nonetheless facing a severe security breach. It must be investigated to resolve the integrity of the federal government and the sanctity of operations – especially with an election approaching. That would mean trying to obtain records from journalists that are supposed to be protected, to determine the identity of leakers.
Recently Vice News was responsible for setting a precedent that already stripped away journalists’ ability to protect sources, unless they are anonymous. As expected, the Canadian media resorted to using only anonymous sources after that decision. But now we have a national security risk that can only be mitigated by chipping away at what was left of press freedom and the new Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Canada may become responsible for managing that outcome. (original + archive)
It is with great regret that I bring this to everyone’s attention. The reason I’ve done this is to spark a genuine, adult conversation about the consequential issues that are going on behind the superficial headlines. So long as we continue to believe the problem is over a DPA with SNC Lavalin, we will continue to fail at addressing these substantive threats to the Canadian – Indigenous relationship.
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his lifelong friend, Gerald Butts, enjoy seeking sage advice in historical and contemporary literature. On that note this dispatch will close with a few words of that nature.
“The willingness to change one’s mind in the light of new evidence is the sign of rationality, not weakness.” Stuart Sutherland
(Full disclosure: When I took time off from journalism, I was the director of a federal Liberal riding association – the one that had to contend with Conservative Kellie Leitch. I have never participated in politics while reporting on them and my ethical values on managing conflicts of interest are set in stone. I guest lecture on matters of ethics and the partisan effect on press freedom, and I’ve been an advisor to the Inter American Press Association. I even managed to score myself a spot on Stephen Harper’s so-called ‘Enemy List’. I believe journalists have a fundamental right to vote and be knowledgeable about the issues, but that we cannot wear two hats at the same time and exploit our personal experiences for professional gain.)
I make no comment about the guilt or innocence of Patrick Brown. Instead I’m addressing the issue of political bias in Canadian media that his controversy has recently highlighted. Included is a new #MeToo allegation involving the Liberal Party of Canada and CTV News, from the adjacent riding.
Mr. Brown occupies the Simcoe-North landscape and these allegations arise from Simcoe-Grey. Although they’re extremely different in nature, what they do share is a deep concern with the way CTV is impacting various #MeToo complaints in the political arena. Through personal experience as a reporter, I believe this relates to management at CTV News and not necessarily the journalists.
Exactly one year ago, I approached the outlet to amend and expand its story about an alleged child sex predator who’s been criminally charged. They covered the matter of Jared Nolan, abusing his access to patient data at the Alliston hospital to lure children and distribute child pornography. The case is so serious that a special police task force was established to investigate further. I believe Nolan’s charges are still winding through the courts and the last news available noted new child complainants coming forward.
The problem is that I knew Mr. Nolan personally, as a political colleague. I had information that was incredibly relevant to his case, as well as the Liberal Party of Canada. We worked together on the riding’s board of directors when he was criminally charged and I was aware he had access to thousands more children through the party and its Liberalist database. He had the highest level of access to every child volunteer and member of the Young Liberals across the entire country. He also led groups of youth volunteers during the last federal election (details here).
That alone was good enough reason to investigate Nolan’s use of child data within the LPC, to see if any young volunteers were part of the sexual complaints that were being investigated criminally. But more disconcerting were the circumstances between the Alliston hospital (Stevenson Memorial) and the Simcoe-Grey Federal Liberal Riding Association (SGFLRA).
Mr. Nolan had no experience in healthcare before taking a senior position at the hospital, that reported to the board of directors. He wasn’t known to the local riding association before taking an executive position with the SGFLRA either. Nolan began both these positions at the same time, after dropping off the political radar for at least a decade. He was once a senior staffer in Ottawa, with no explanation why he went from a high-profile job in a minister’s office, to complete obscurity and menial employment for a period of ten years.
Nolan only had two connections that anyone could cite. He was close with our LPC candidate, who sat on the hospital board of directions. He was close with the candidate’s campaign director who also sat on the hospital board of directors. Otherwise Nolan had no connection to this region and he was not known to anyone else. He basically appeared from nowhere and became a big-wig overnight, at the side of these two gentlemen. All of a sudden the Liberal riding association and the Alliston hospital were being run by the same three people.
Neither of the other two men were charged and my comments do not impugn them. But the investigation remains ongoing and they both oversaw Nolan’s work at the hospital, in addition to the SGFLRA. The patient data that Nolan is alleged to abuse as a hunting ground for child sex victims was additionally managed by one of these very colleagues, according to their LinkedIn profiles.
My first concern was that police didn’t question anyone in the Liberal riding association. They weren’t aware that connection existed, or that Nolan had access to more sensitive information about a much greater number of children through the party. The Liberalist is an extensive database that can track them in real-time. In some cases it knows if the kids are dating, what their schedules look like, what their home situation is like, and if they have emotional vulnerabilities. Hospital patient data doesn’t contain sensitive details like this and if Nolan is found guilty, his access to the Liberalist poses a tremendous threat (details here).
The hospital set out to conduct an internal investigation, in parallel with the police. But I believe they were also unaware of these professional-political connections, because no one can name the executives on any riding association board, aside from the advertised candidate. I have evidence that indicated the three men never disclosed their political conflict-of-interest to the hospital as well. It complicated matters that the riding exec who oversaw patient data at the hospital departed for a different region of health care facilities upon the charges being laid against Nolan. It’s not clear if that relationship was ever investigated, even from the hospital’s perspective. (I reiterate this person was never accused of wrongdoing, but he was the most knowledgeable witness in the Nolan case that no one was questioning.)
Moreover, unsettling photos and deeper connection between that campaign exec and Nolan began appearing on social media. This is despite the fact that Nolan was banned from using the internet as a condition of his bail and house arrest. It was unclear if these posts constituted an accusation against the Liberal colleague, a threat to the Liberal colleague’s daughter, or if it was a cry for help. Whatever it was, it definitely violated the terms of bail.
In the meantime a forensic warrant was executed and at that very moment, someone tampered with the evidence. All of Jared Nolan’s connections to the Liberal Party of Canada were altered or outright deleted. I have proof of that as well. It caused so much concern that I contacted Anna Gainey as an LPC official, to have the party intervene for the sake of protecting due process. It surely wouldn’t help if another individual was charged for obstructing a forensic warrant and the LPC sincerely needed to protect the children in our riding.
It was astonishing, but there was proof of receiving my letters and the LPC refused to respond. Instead they supported the campaign exec who oversaw patient data, in threatening me with defamation to obstruct my police report. The party actively covered-up its relationship with Jared Nolan and declined to intervene to prohibit this evidence from being destroyed. It declined to let anyone know an election campaign official was criminally charged with heinous sex crimes against children, that are alleged to happen over the course of that campaign. It prevented the parents of children who volunteered with Nolan during that time from knowing, so they could ask if their own kids were okay (details here).
A year ago there was no #MeToo movement to help get this message out. I sought to strike a middle ground between victim rights and Charter rights by asking the party to establish Vulnerable Sector background checks for anyone seeking to work with our riding executive. That would have prevented anyone criminally charged or under investigation from working with sensitive children’s data in the Liberalist and in our community. It’s non-judgmental, from either perspective, and it’s already a norm in the volunteer industry.
But the LPC refused to do this too. They refused to protect youths in the Liberal Party of Canada, as well as youths in our riding where an executive was already charged with multiple complaints of child luring and child pornography. The party’s reaction to cover this up made them behave so badly that they didn’t even remove Jared Nolan as the Simcoe-Grey Federal Liberal Riding Association’s Executive Vice President. While incarcerated awaiting bail and under house arrest, Nolan maintained access to the Liberalist database for another two months, before he willingly stepped down. It was during that time disturbing photos of children connecting him to the other campaign executive began appearing on social media.
I was so concerned, unsure if another child was in danger, that I contacted the police, the news, and the Liberal Party of Canada, again.
In no uncertain terms I warned Anna Gainey and the LPC about its fiduciary duty, legal liability, and to stop intimidating me from reporting what I know to the authorities. I attempted to exercise the party’s constitution for emergency intervention by LPC brass, but that was met with LPC officials shutting down the procedure and revoking the party’s constitution entirely. They did that on camera in front of CTV News and ordered the reporter to stop recording. They threatened to remove CTV for trespassing if they filmed me saying anything about Jared Nolan. I was banned from saying his name or anything about him. This happened at the riding’s Annual General Meeting and no one was allowed to discuss or inform parents that our vice president was arrested for child sex crimes (details here).
After this happened, the CTV reporter was reassigned and not allowed to pursue this story. He wished to proceed and continued working with me to obtain more information, however. Another executive came forward as a witness to help convince the producers. Still, CTV wouldn’t tell the world that their story about a child sex predator was also about a Liberal executive. They blatantly censored Jared Nolan’s position with the riding and that he was working with youths during the election campaign at the time of these allegations. The only news CTV producers would allow to be reported is that Nolan worked at the Alliston hospital.
The next development defies common sense or any shred of human dignity. Because it’s such a bizarre decision, it will oddly strengthen Patrick Brown’s allegations against the broadcaster. I don’t mean to conflate the two issues, the two parties, or the adjacent ridings, but a pattern is emerging at CTV News that is equally harmful to the complainants and the accused(s). In my humble opinion, there’s a lapse in ethical direction and this management style is quite predatory.
I know in my example the CTV reporter didn’t wish to censor Jared Nolan’s status with the Liberals. He was trying to overturn the executive producer’s decision by supplying more evidence. In the case of ex-Conservative leader, Patrick Brown, it appears CTV management censored a third complainant because of her ties to the Liberal party as well. According to CANADALAND, the director of communications at CTV News said,
“In fact, we can confirm there was at least one other woman who came forward who made allegations of a sexual nature against Patrick Brown. We did not pursue her story due to her public support of the provincial Liberal party.”
It’s not likely that journalist Glen McGregor killed a third of his own exclusive about Patrick Brown. The management at CTV News needs to explain who keeps censoring Liberal sex allegations, whether it’s from an alleged perpetrator or a victim’s perspective. They say they don’t want to make the #MeToo movement a partisan political brawl, but they have no problem concealing the information when a Liberal is criminally charged, or when a Liberal is making the accusation. In contrast, anything seems like fair game if it’s about a Conservative politician, by another Conservative.
This situation is so unfortunate that I gave CTV News an earful last year. When the reporter in my example pushed to complete the story, he was told to cultivate children from our riding to interview as prospective victims. This is the only way CTV would release the information about Jared Nolan’s status with the Liberals. It didn’t matter that he was already under house arrest for prosecution as a child predator. Management required that a small flock of kids be located to canvass for new allegations, before they would alert the public about the danger that was already thoroughly established. They wished to create their own ‘exclusive’ by blindsiding local children and prodding them for salacious tips.
If you find this hard to believe, then please see all the evidence. I still have the text messages, emails, screencaps, video, and record of phone calls to prove everything I’ve said.
At that point I refused to work with CTV News due to its lacking ethics. I was so stunned by the outrageous plot to interfere with potentially vulnerable children that we didn’t get to argue about the network’s refusal to reference Nolan’s Liberal affiliation whatsoever. I lambasted CTV, this is how the innocent get incarcerated and the guilty go free.
I regret that my account will likely be used to discredit the complainants against Patrick Brown. That is not my agenda and I have no personal knowledge of that situation to comment on either side. But it behooves me to speak up when I know children are still in danger, a cover-up is still in progress, and the behaviour of CTV management is destroying everyone’s access to justice. CTV executives need to learn that they’re not the judge, jury, executioner, or a Crown representative to offer selective pardons. When both sides of the #MeToo movement are complaining there’s a political problem at CTV News, can we not agree there must be some issue? The accused are citing political interference. The victims are citing political interference. And witnesses are citing political interference.
In Simcoe-Grey, the political interference is so great that it crossed over between the news and police. There are conflict-of-interest issues affecting the Ontario Provincial Police (OPP) and the Simcoe-Grey Federal Liberal Riding Association. The candidate who oversaw Jared Nolan’s work at the hospital, as well as the election campaign, also sat on the OPP’s board of directors. The Liberal candidate publicly stated that he exercises influence over this particular police agency (details here).
Coincidentally, the OPP now refuses to accept evidence of Nolan’s access to children through the Liberal Party of Canada. They’ve charged him with luring children from the hospital and subsequent child pornography, but the lead investigator is refusing to investigate possible victims from the Liberalist and youth volunteering program.
In fact, the police took a 2-hour statement from me prior to LPC brass getting involved. After evidence was deleted and the party censored its business with Nolan, the OPP changed its tune and aggressively refused to take official statements anymore. They refused to provide a report number from the one I already submitted. They became unable to locate the officer who took my initial report. They declined to inform the crown attorney about this new evidence and scoffed at investigating Nolan’s relationship with children in the Liberal Party of Canada. This man is being painted as the most dangerous predator to children anywhere outside the Liberal party, but not within it. They believe Nolan was safe to manage sensitive children’s data within the Liberalist and spend intimate time with young volunteers for the past few years. He was not however safe to work with children’s data at the hospital, or be near young patients during the identical time period in the same neighbourhood (details here).
An open letter to the prime minister, justice minister, chiefs of police, crown attorney, all political parties, and the provincial youth advocate, was further ignored. The provincial advocate was the only entity to respond and he was sorry the agency couldn’t get involved. They didn’t feel they had a mandate to support children if sexual allegations involved a political party.
For an added bonus, the Globe and Mail responded from the Twilight Zone. Not only did they decline to report about Jared Nolan’s criminal charges and his executive position with the Liberals, but they also broke from journalism ethics by deleting a relevant speech from the prime minister that was inflammatory to the situation. The public editor responded to my complaint by saying she couldn’t accept the complaint at all. She accused me of trying to hack her computer because I didn’t type in the Globe and Mail’s preferred font. I couldn’t make this up if I tried and that email exchange is documented in the open letter as well. The Globe and Mail claims it can’t investigate ethical breaches from evidence outside the Globe and Mail publication. Their computers can’t access the internet, apparently (details here).
This experience was particularly devastating because the Globe and Mail reporter and public editor are females. The Liberal party official is female. The provincial advocate’s investigator is female. The Conservative member of parliament for our riding is also female and this group of women actively silenced the #MeToo movement before it had a name in the case of Jared Nolan. They hung female children out to dry for their own political advantage, as CTV News was seeking to exploit them from a male-dominated perspective. The sickness was so overwhelming and there was nowhere left to go, until the controversy with Patrick Brown provided an opportunity to try again. The irony isn’t lost on me and I hope it’s not lost on you. No matter anyone’s guilt or innocence or the veracity of complaints, this is indicative of political interference to retard sexual allegations within the Canadian political arena from everyone’s point of view.
Even the NDP’s white knight, in charge of ethical oversight, wouldn’t lift a finger to protect Liberal children in Simcoe County. It won’t help them to grandstand now, because they declined to care as the Official Opposition holding the government party to account. The Conservatives won’t benefit by crowing about an alleged child predator in the Liberal party either, because Kellie Leitch declined to speak for these kids despite being their MP, when she was too busy running for party leadership. (That too is documented.)
These events caused me to have to see the disgusting underbelly of our politics and media. It’s the reason I backed away from both, because I couldn’t be one of these willfully silent people. I was born with a voice and I’m tired of being gagged when my job is to be the messenger. It’s also impossible to overcome the censorship in Canadian media when it comes to reporting about politics and the government. Everyone has an agenda. It may change from month to month, but rest assured that our news is based on the whims of executive editors and producers, who don’t know the first thing about due process or the safety of women and children.
Another gem I’ve had to digest is that our police won’t act on political sex issues unless the political news decides it can be reported and potential victims consent to being publicly exploited. In this experience regarding Jared Nolan, it seems the LPC determines what CTV can report, then CTV decides if it will cajole the police to investigate.
Maybe if we confront this circle-jerk we can begin to sort it out. Goodness knows the #MeToo movement depends on our collective honesty and anything short of this is political lip service. If we continue at this rate, Gen Y will never vote, download a news app, or fund a police budget. At least the children in Simcoe-Grey and Simcoe-North won’t, because they have no reason to trust any of us. Here, they can’t safely tell their stories on either side of the equation, without someone seeking to exploit or silence them. I remain worried that because all parties are rife with sex allegations that they’ll continue silencing the children in Simcoe-Grey, if it doesn’t benefit their political agendas. The response to this statement will help me decide if the #MeToo movement is real in Canada, or just a tool to weaponize our women and children.
Full disclosure: For the record, I resigned from the Liberal riding association at the onset of these events. I never worked in media at the same time I engaged with local politics, and I’m not employed by any mainstream media currently. My only agenda is protecting these kids (full details here, including the letter of resignation).
This is an open letter to the Rt. Hon. Prime Minister of Canada, Hon. Premier of Ontario, Ontario Provincial Advocate for Children and Youth, Public Safety Minister of Canada, Attorney General of Canada, Privacy Commissioner, Ontario Chiefs of Police, Royal Canadian Mounted Police, Barrie Crown Attorney’s Office, Liberal Party of Canada, Young Liberals, Conservative Party of Canada, New Democratic Party, Green Party of Canada, Canadian Bar Association, National Newsmedia Council, parents and children in the riding of Simcoe-Grey, as well as parents and children across Canada:
Dear Mesdames and Messrs,
This is a very important letter regarding current child sex charges against a political figure in the riding of Simcoe-Grey. This riding is represented by MP Kellie Leitch, who is better known for her controversial campaign to become leader of the Conservative Party of Canada (CPC). It is lesser known, until today, for a police task force probe against a Simcoe-Grey Federal Liberal Riding Association (SGFLRA) executive, and the complete failure of all democratic pillars pertaining to this case.
I’m a peripheral witness in the matter of Jared Nolan, as well as a journalist and a former fellow executive on the same board of directors. I shared communications with the accused in the days before he was arrested and I made lengthy reports with both the Barrie Police Service (BPS) and the Ontario Provincial Police (OPP), who’ve partnered for the sake of a larger criminal probe. The charges involve multiple youth complainants and allegations of child luring, child pornography, and distribution of child pornography. I have urgent information to provide the public, government and law enforcement, in an effort to protect more children who remain at risk due to institutional oversights and competing political agendas.
I’ve thought long and hard about writing this and I accept there may be consequences. I’m not even sure if whistleblower protections exist in our country, to cover what I have to say. The only thing I’m sure about is that I can’t possibly remain silent. I also acknowledge this will inflame numerous parties, so I feel the need to explain my agenda before I begin and the venomous accusations begin to fly.
Although I’m a journalist, this isn’t written as a news item. This website earns no income whatsoever and exists as a platform for free speech only, beyond the limitations of mainstream media. It doesn’t collect data and I don’t profit in any way. In fact, I’m about to burn all my professional bridges by going public with a scandal of this magnitude.
The reason I must do this is because of who I am. I grew up as a Crown Ward and I’ve been affected by similar issues, so I can relate to the childhood, rehabilitation and legal repercussions of child sexual exploitation. I’m brutally familiar with the cracks in our system and perhaps one day you’ll know my own story. Obviously it’s not something anyone wants to have to say out loud, but if I don’t do this, I feel like other children will lose their innocence as a result of our collective ignorance. I couldn’t live with that, knowing what the journey looks like to heal.
When I’m not actively publishing, I moonlight as a child rights advocate. I’ve done this my entire life and I’ve assisted with various inquiries and events, like the G20, government consultations, a military investigation and policy changes within the Children’s Aid Society (CAS). I’ve also muddled through the industry meltdown in journalism by collaborating with universities to give lectures about ethics, conflicts of interest, the purpose of a Fourth Estate and modern threats to press liberty.
The following statement seems to have chosen me as the messenger because I would understand the full peril of everyone’s actions. By ‘everyone’, I mean the Liberal Party of Canada (LPC), the police, the news media, and our member of parliament. By ‘full peril’, I mean the continued sexual exploitation of children, because each of these entities doubled-down in their own ways to cover it up.
I don’t know if this happened due to error or arrogance, but countless regulations were (allegedly) broken by all of the above. To save myself from any libel accusations, I verily believe that countless regulations were broken and I’m sharing all my evidence to explain who, what, where, why, when and how. I believe parents have been stripped of the right to protect their own children, as an unfortunate consequence of institutional lapses in judgment. I believe this case presents a much larger issue that impacts tens of thousands of kids across Canada – directly, not indirectly, as a result of possible legal obstructions and political interference.
My statement begins that I became a director of the Simcoe-Grey Federal Liberal Riding Association (SGFLRA) in the Spring of 2016. I was taking an extended break from political investigative journalism and I placed a few big projects on the back-burner to deal with my health and some family issues. I’m a political animal and aggressive defender of constitutional rights, so despite my hiatus from publishing, I remained interested in our local matters.
I know many Canadians complain about a ‘liberal biased media’ and I will prove some of their comments true by the time I’m done. Hopefully my actions will speak for me fairly and disarm any critics that would accuse me of partisanship, by the time they’re done reading this too. Many political journalists have been involved with various parties and it is our constitutional right to participate in a democracy, just like everyone else. We have to tread a fine line the same as lawyers and public servants, but I believe I did this responsibly to remove any conflict of interest. At the end of the day, my ethics trump partisanship and the effect of coming forward should be evidence of my moral compass. I walk the talk that I give to students of journalism and if I’m forced to be an example, then please let it be a good one.
My resignation letter to the Simcoe-Grey Federal Liberal Riding Association, including reasons:
When I joined the SGFLRA there was a coup of sorts, to replace the previous board of directors. During the federal election cycle, the executive was comprised of lifelong Liberals who were thoroughly dedicated to the LPC. Mike MacEachern was chosen as the candidate to vie for the seat against Kellie Leitch. There were considerable disputes within the SGFLRA regarding Mr. MacEachern and an investigation was initiated by the Liberal Party to resolve questions about his electability (more details below).
For unknown reasons, the LPC remained supportive of MacEachern as the candidate and no result of the investigation was ever communicated to the riding executive, despite the board’s many requests for assistance and guidance. As such, he formed a campaign team that refused to cooperate with the SGFLRA and MacEachern’s associates nearly ran the election alone. The riding association supported the candidate to the best of its ability under these strained circumstances, but they were denied access to a majority of plans. They were even denied the ability to fundraise on behalf of MacEachern in a handful of examples. It was so bewildering and antagonistic that some of the old executives quit the riding association as they came to terms with the lack of unity and hostile treatment.
Upon conclusion of the election and his unsuccessful campaign, MacEachern’s team formed a slate to take over the riding association entirely. This included Jared Nolan as the Executive Vice President, Rob Glozier as the President, Jeff Kerk as the Organization Chair, and Christine Guergis-Brayford as the Vice President of Membership, among others. I became a director of this organization and only a few spaces on the 2016 executive were occupied by members who weren’t part of the perceived coup.
As the LPC was notified in 2015, 2016 and 2017, Christine Guergis-Brayford is the sister of Helena Guergis and was her campaign manager for elections as a Conservative, before Kellie Leitch was chosen to displace this political family dynasty.
They were also notified of personal and professional ties between MacEachern and much of the 2016-coup-executive, that already involved a successful lawsuit against the candidate for abuse of power in a public office as the mayor. Allegations pertained to a relationship with Guergis-Brayford that may have improperly affected municipal officials in the Town of New Tecumseth. Several replacement riding executives were also colleagues of MacEachern’s, from this same troubled municipal council.
(Please note that all links are hosted by Archive.is. It’s a traditional archiving site from Iceland that respects privacy rights and it was used to preserve what may become evidence, so the data can’t be altered after the fact. If there is high demand to access pages at the same time, it may spawn a request for CAPTCHA responses to load the site. They do this to prevent DDOS attacks and in no way are the links malicious. They should load like any HTML website, with the original link and date the page was archived.)
Regarding the statement of claim against MacEachern:
And regarding MacEachern’s countersuit:
For political context, the staffer was a special advisor to Toronto’s Mel Lastman, before migrating north and taking a position under the direction of Mike MacEachern:
In a nutshell, the MacEachern entourage was ousted from local politics and the perception of impropriety may have been a factor. There’s a gag order on the settlement and it’s unknown if any part of the allegations are true, but the town paid $150,000 to resolve the complaint against MacEachern pertaining to this incident. He received $8,000 as well:
There was a second legal matter during MacEachern’s tenure as the Mayor of New Tecumseth, where he used the power of municipal council to endorse a militant protest for men’s rights, that led to criminal charges. A demonstrator from Fathers For Justice concocted a dangerous public display at the side of Hwy 400, to encourage support for misogyny with the blessing of MacEachern and his colleagues:
While the news covered MacEachern’s endorsement, it failed to investigate the purpose of Fathers For Justice and reported the group’s mission as ‘raising awareness for equal parenting’ only. There are legitimate advocacy organizations that deal with divorce and family issues on behalf of men, but I reiterate this particular ensemble encourages militancy, destruction, and criminality to revoke human and constitutional rights for women.
Overlooked was the group’s member support for the legalization of rape. Lobbying for men to have legal authority over women, whether they could have an abortion or not. Subscribing to the premise that women should have no legal rights, because they’re ‘crazy’ and abuse their access to any rights at all. Promoting the idea that women suffer from False Memory Syndrome, if they accuse their male partners of violent or sexual abuse. Asserting that homosexuals are violent and unable to safely parent. And preaching that women are inherently evil, from a religious perspective:
Fathers For Justice is additionally proud of the danger it causes to the public and millions of dollars in damages that result from shutting down major bridges and causing courtrooms to be evacuated (including those in Ontario):
Knowing all this, the LPC supported MacEachern as the Liberal candidate on behalf of a ‘feminist prime minister’. They felt this was the best strategy to compete with the extreme positions of Conservative candidate, Kellie Leitch, and a sliver of the riding’s voters who might have been disenfranchised by the loss of Helena Guergis. If anyone wondered how Dr. Leitch could gain a platform to promote radical ideas, I encourage them to consider the alternatives. All parties consider this riding an experiment for right-wing ideologies (NDP and Greens too), despite the fact that two thirds of Simcoe-Grey identifies with centre and left perspectives. In any event, I don’t mean to meander and this information will be illuminating as we continue.
So the MacEachern faction from the Town of New Tecumseth lost the public’s support and/or access to municipal resources. They reorganized as the LPC campaign team in 2015 and after a poor showing against Kellie Leitch, reorganized again in 2016 to take possession of the Simcoe-Grey Federal Liberal Riding Association. There are continuing complaints regarding partisan finances that have also been made on the record, but I don’t wish to distract from the issue of child exploitation and accounting can be handled by the appropriate people.
In part I joined the executive to observe the effects of this ‘coup’. I was the reporter who covered Kellie Leitch throughout her inauguration to politics, before anyone knew her name in Simcoe-Grey. All of CBC‘s 2011 election coverage in this riding was assigned to me, including broadcast, digital and investigative segments. I was the resident expert and I never participated in politics when I was reporting on them, but I admit to caring about what happens in the privacy of my personal time in the years that followed.
This is when I would meet the accused, Jared Nolan. He wasn’t particularly known to anyone, except the close-knit team of MacEachern associates. The same was true of Jeff Kerk and the rest of us came to learn that the three gentlemen worked together at the Stevenson Memorial Hospital. MacEachern sits on the board of directors, while Kerk managed patient data and diagnostic, paramedical services. Nolan managed the hospital’s communications and they participated in multiple board meetings together:
Now criminal charges have arisen due to a youth complainant alleging Nolan abused patient data to target (a) child victim(s). The case is so serious that a special task force was assembled between the Ontario Provincial Police and Barrie Police Services to conduct a larger probe. Two additional youth complainants have already come forward and the court issued a partial publication ban related to the investigation expanding. The names of youths are also protected but general information about the case is being covered by CTV and Postmedia, like the extreme bail conditions imposed on Nolan and a forensic warrant for eleven computers.
Regarding the initial arrest and search warrant:
Regarding bail conditions and additional youth complainants being identified:
I’m not doing anything to break that publication ban, or interfere with the Rule of Law and rights afforded to the prosecution (alleged victims) or defence. I wouldn’t do anything to imperil children, or the right to a fair trial either. I believe that achieving both goals is possible at the same time, if everyone just follows the rules. I’m deeply concerned however, that neither the LPC, the police, nor the media, are behaving within reasonable bounds.
It began with my first letter to the riding executive and LPC brass, asking how they planned to handle the situation with Jared Nolan. Instead of paraphrasing, it’s important that everyone absorbs the full details by reading what I said in its entirety:
I was shocked when no one from the riding or party would respond. Instead of answering pertinent questions that affected me and everyone else who remained on the executive, they deleted proof of my relationship to the SGFLRA, as well as Jared Nolan’s, during the execution of a forensic warrant to investigate his communications.
Given that I’m an investigative journalist, it’s my nature to document everything I see. If I read it, I archive a copy; so it can’t disappear from the internet in the age of hearts and minds and message control. I’ve seen it happen far too often and I’m invited to give lectures about my experience with this topic. It’s a discussion I have with historians and scientists, who are also plagued by the public record going missing, or being vandalized and altered. I advocate for an Internet Bill of Rights and modern legislation to regulate digital records, as well as intelligent privacy protections for consumers, members, children, researchers and/or journalists.
Therefore I archived a copy of the SGFLRA website, that listed Jared Nolan as the Executive Vice President and me as a Director (see time and date in upper right corner):
It was immediately after my email to the riding and party that someone interfered with the police investigation by deleting evidence of these relationships to the LPC (see time and date in upper right corner, with mine and Nolan’s names concealed. Nolan was still incarcerated and awaiting bail when this occurred):
I was worried this could constitute tampering with evidence, if the police investigation needed to explore Nolan’s contact with minors through the Liberal Party or election campaign. Normally I wouldn’t publish the contents of my private communications and I apologize profusely to the other individuals. It is only due to the protection of minors that I would ever relinquish privacy, and it’s important for authorities to understand what was happening organically as this situation unfolded, that no part of this report is concocted in any way:
When two new complainants came forward, I also felt compelled to share what I know with police. No information is available about the subsequent girls and it’s unknown if their allegations are confined to hospital records, or if anyone knows to inquire about Nolan’s greater access to children through the Liberal Party of Canada. All we know is the investigation is ‘expanding’ and I wasn’t sure if they were aware of The Liberalist database. It contains far more information than any hospital records and it’s so sensitive pertaining to children, that it can absolutely be used to stalk and lure them, more effectively and dangerously than any other source of records (more info below).
I’m about to tread some particularly difficult ground now, explaining what I reported to the police. I do NOT allege anyone’s guilt or innocence and my statement is NOT meant to impugn anyone, or detract from complainant allegations. I wouldn’t publish these details as a professional journalist and I’m doing this today because there is no other recourse, as a constituent. I feel it is my civic duty when children continue to be endangered and the system is failing them as a whole. By the end, you will come to appreciate that I’ve tried every available avenue, before conceding to this one. I attempted to let the justice system do its job. I attempted to let the LPC devise a management plan with legal counsel and I attempted to let the media express what it could, to extricate myself from this conflict of interest. But I can’t stand idly by as so many people have chosen to use the kids as pawns and proverbial human shields. I’ve spent many days not eating or sleeping as I’ve wrestled with this conundrum.
I spoke up for the purpose of assisting law enforcement with peripheral information that may, or may not, be relevant to the investigation. The names I mention were provided to police because regardless of what happened, I believe they need to be interviewed as Nolan associates who may possess deeper insight.
It was approximately the first week of December 2016 that I contacted the Barrie Police Service (BPS). The task force created for the Nolan case is a partnership between the BPS Child Exploitation Unit and Technical Crimes Unit, with the Ontario Provincial Police (OPP). The Nottawasaga OPP detachment owns this file and the lead investigator is from the OPP Headquarters in Orillia, but I chose to call the Barrie officers to avoid another potential conflict of interest.
As I explained to Constable Callahan (badge #4244, extension #2648), Mike MacEachern sat on the Police Services Board, to determine the local OPP’s annual budget. He was also involved in selecting the Nottawasaga OPP commander and in MacEachern’s own words,
“Over time we’ve been able to assert our influence over police services that maybe wasn’t being asserted in the past.”:
Since the information I have to provide about the Jared Nolan case is immediately connected to Mike MacEachern, I remain concerned that his ‘influence’ over the investigating force may compromise a full and fair outcome from either perspective. Just like journalists, police have to observe conflict of interest regulations to prevent abuses of power, even accidentally. When professions involve competing community interests, we’re directed to take great care in our ethical approach. It’s not a negative thing to recuse oneself and on the contrary, it’s deemed respectable. Especially in small town areas where there are a limited number of officials to go around, we must be cognizant and careful of the public interest.
I spoke with Constable Callahan for nearly two hours. He was friendly, insightful, receptive, and he respected my concerns about this conflict of interest. I had no issues whatsoever, reporting to this officer. He found the facts I relayed to be helpful and quite possibly relevant. He even commended me for putting the report together concisely, so it was analytic and complete.
I explained about Jared Nolan’s access to youth data in The Liberalist and the connections between Stevenson Memorial Hospital executives with the Liberal riding association. I explained that I didn’t think the hospital was even aware of a close relationship between Mike MacEachern, Jeff Kerk and Jared Nolan, because I hadn’t seen any disclosures of conflict in meeting minutes that involved the three of them.
It’s more than a colloquial relationship to run an election campaign and certain positions on the SGFLRA. There was a legal exchange of money for various expenses, acting as agents-on-behalf, liability insurance binding the group together through the riding association, and soliciting donations to benefit one of them directly.
I found it curious if this presented no issues for the hospital and no matter what, it put Mike MacEachern on all three boards of directors (past, during and/or present) affecting the investigation of Jared Nolan. He sat on the police board (investigators), riding association board (source of data I’m attempting to have investigated) and the hospital board (where charges have already been laid). I’m humbly and respectfully concerned for the sake of public perception, this dynamic means a different police force will need to oversee the case.
I was asked by Constable Callahan if I knew how Jared Nolan got involved in health care. I explained that I didn’t and he was unknown to most riding executives, outside of the MacEachern entourage. According to Nolan’s LinkedIn account, he had no experience in the health industry prior getting the job at Stevenson Memorial Hospital, at the time of MacEachern’s nomination campaign:
It seemed increasingly important that police interview Mike MacEachern and Jeff Kerk, for their help to put these pieces of the puzzle together. Without prejudice, I relayed what information I knew about these gentlemen and I made no accusations to the police about them either. I stated what facts were available in hard copy, without any melodramatics.
I’ve already addressed the information surrounding Mr. MacEachern and in the example of Mr. Kerk, I only had his LinkedIn account to go by. Kerk was at the hospital the longest out of this group of colleagues and he reported his involvement with patient data in that position,
“Oversee data processing requirements, plan and implement end-to-end data transfer to replace Hospital Information System in collaboration with four allied hospital facilities. Repeatedly meet patient care goals through streamlining systems that optimize patient flow across numerous performance measurements.”:
Emphatically I repeat this should not impugn Jeff Kerk without cause, but given the relationship between Kerk, Nolan and MacEachern, it appears to make his knowledge relevant to the investigation overall. If the hospital isn’t aware of that connection, they can’t effectively investigate either. And no one may be aware of these connections, because Kerk quit the Stevenson Memorial Hospital a couple weeks before the charges were laid against Nolan. He departed to a different set of hospitals in another region altogether.
As Kerk relocated his employment, MacEachern also abdicated as the LPC candidate. An unexpected letter was submitted to the SGFLRA on October 23, 2016, saying he was no longer interested. This came as a great surprise because until the charges were pending against Nolan, MacEachern was adamant about staying on. It was the source of much discord between some old and new executives and the campaign wasn’t backing down for any reason. Then all of a sudden, within days of each other, this group of colleagues began to scatter. Constable Callahan asked if I thought they heard a leak about the pending charges for Nolan. As I told law enforcement I couldn’t know and I could only provide them with circumstantial info.
Regarding Jared Nolan himself, there was another curious entry. Although he didn’t have experience in health care prior to the hospital, he did have a history in politics with the LPC. He was a Special Assistant to the Office of Nancy Karetek-Lindell, a former MP for Nunavut and Chair of the Aboriginal Affairs standing committee:
She departed federal politics despite enormous success and returned to municipal matters, where she remained incredibly active at the local level. After Jared Nolan spent 4 years working in her office, he disappeared from politics until this reappearance in Simcoe-Grey that has been marred by criminal charges, a decade later. I suggested to police and the LPC that they may wish to inquire with Karetek-Lindell about his tenure. It’s unknown why Nolan might have departed a high profile position in Ottawa, only to resurface in the background so many years later.
I was clear with Constable Callahan that I didn’t know if this information was pertinent. We seemed to agree that it did invite questions that appeared to need answers, however. He asked what my motivation was to make this report and I answered that I didn’t think it was my right to determine if these facts were relevant. I was only sharing what I knew, so police could evaluate and make that unbiased decision.
Although PC Callahan was congenial and helpful, it was unfortunate I had to make this report with an officer who wasn’t assigned to the Nolan case. Special investigations are housed at a separate location from the Barrie detachment and it wasn’t possible to reach the applicable officers when I called. Constable Callahan thanked me for the report and assured me he would deliver to the correct people. I was then to wait for their contact, in case they needed me to attend and make this statement official.
A few weeks passed and I was distracted by the holiday season. After Christmas I began to worry that I hadn’t heard back from anyone and I began leaving messages for Constable Callahan. I did this intermittently for a number of days, because I’m familiar with police schedules and the possibility of catching shift changes that could cause a 4-day delay.
After more than a week I began to wonder why I couldn’t reach PC Callahan and I rang the Barrie dispatcher to inquire about his availability. That person (badge #5561) became argumentative when she couldn’t locate information for Callahan and she suggested I was mistaken, that he must not be a Barrie police officer.
When I confirmed I was sure, she asked me to explain the whole situation. I did my best in this pressing moment, but it made her more convinced that I must have the wrong police department. I then explained the partnership between the OPP and Barrie Child Exploitation Unit for the purpose of this case, but that was met with belligerence and her denial that a Child Exploitation Unit existed. It took some bantering back and forth for the dispatcher to clarify, as she chastised me for calling the department by an incorrect name. She said it was the Crimes Against Person Unit (or ‘CAP’ for short) and there are many special units within that heading.
Beleaguered by now, I asked to speak with the CAP unit. I was told they’re unavailable and dispatch can’t put calls through to them. So I asked to speak with any officer in the Barrie Police Service, but this staffer refused to connect my call and flatly threatened to hang up on me.
I was absolutely stunned as this amazing pattern took root and I asked how police can refuse to take a report. Before the person hung up I managed to ask for a supervisor and Bonnie (badge #5660) took over the call.
Bonnie was wonderfully helpful and she agreed to pull the recorded conversation I just had with the previous dispatcher for review. Bonnie found that Constable Callahan’s schedule wasn’t in the main system and he was off work indefinitely, for an extended leave. There was no date available for his return and I could try the next morning to see if he attended. If that wasn’t possible, I was advised to speak with a different officer because no one could account for PC Callahan’s whereabouts. His voicemail wasn’t updated to say he’d be away, but at least a supervisor could confirm he was a BPS officer.
In the meantime I was notified by a third party that an Annual General Meeting (AGM) had been called for our riding. An election was planned to solidify the executive and no one from the party or SGFLRA let me know. I was concerned that I was in the process of reporting to police and the party hadn’t responded to any concerns surrounding Jared Nolan.
I sent a second email to the riding president outlining my concerns, with a request for Vulnerable Sector checks to be implemented as a precaution. It won’t be much longer until I explain what The Liberalist database contains, to understand why this is paramount to youth safety and relevant to the Nolan case. I was polite, balanced and professional in how I approached this, but you’re welcome to see for yourself:
I immediately followed with another email to LPC brass, primarily Anna Gainey and Rob Jamieson. It stated many of the same issues and began to broach the topic of liability for the LPC, if the party refused to intervene for the protection of children,
“I’ve written to you as a director of this very EDA, as a constituent and as a reporter, but you still refuse to respond, as if youth information in the hands of LPC is free-to-abuse for anyone who wants it. This is not acceptable. Full stop.”:
The Liberal Party of Canada didn’t respond and neither did the riding association, but Jeff Kerk replied on both their behalves as an executive. His letter appears at the bottom and my response to all is at the top. He threatens that my party communications have been given to police in an effort to silence me, and I caution against intimidating me from reporting:
After this occurred I attempted to contact an officer at the Barrie Police Service again. This time I was able to cite the Crimes Against Person Unit properly, to locate someone working the Nolan case who would be able to understand the information. But this dispatcher seemed to take offence that I was asking to speak with a CAP officer. She refused to put me through and after interrogating me about the problem, decided that I shouldn’t be allowed to speak with a Barrie officer and I must contact the Nottawasaga OPP instead.
I didn’t have time to make the full report to every dispatcher having a bad day in Barrie. This frontline is one of the most discontent I’ve ever come across in policing and their supervisors don’t behave anything like that. But again the administrative staff at BPS attempted to deny my call altogether. Again I tried to explain about the conflict of interest with OPP and the task force partnership with Barrie. By now I had learned to just insist on speaking with an officer, because the gatekeepers weren’t familiar with specific cases. The only thing I know for sure is they get particularly upset if you ask for the CAP unit, like no one is supposed to communicate with that department.
This time I spoke with Constable Coopman (badge #7572, extension #2936) from the Barrie Police Service. He was also understanding and congenial, like his colleague Constable Callahan. I didn’t give a full re-report, but enough was expressed, including my update from Mr. Kerk, to spur him into contacting an investigator from the CAP team.
I was then put in touch with Constable Monroe (unknown badge #, extension #2948). We went over much of what happened and he sought to relieve my worries about trying to give a report. Every officer I’ve spoken with agrees there is merit to what I’ve explained and supports my attempt to provide them with the evidence (namely the altered data about Nolan, relationships with the LPC and The Liberalist database).
When Constable Munroe recognized the importance of what I shared, he asked me to wait as he contacted the lead investigator. I was then told he spoke with Detective Sergeant Doug Rees, from the OPP Headquarters in Orillia. This is the primary officer for the Jared Nolan case, making a total of 3 or 4 locations trying to coordinate the investigation (depending how you count Barrie police and the separate CAP unit).
I’m assured that Constable Monroe is part of the CAP unit and he was a pleasure to speak with, just like the other officers. I’m unclear if he’s part of the OPP or BPS in this equation, though. We didn’t need to speak anymore and I forgot to get his badge number, because he returned with the first bit of progress and I was relieved to hear it. He explained Det. Sgt. Rees was ‘stuck in Eastern Ontario executing a search warrant’ and when he returned the following week, I would get a call to schedule an appointment. An officer was finally going to receive this report and perhaps the dysfunction was resolved.
In the meantime I had run into an issue with the Globe and Mail that still needed sorting out. On the heels of my last letter to the LPC, the prime minister gave a speech to youths about his promise to do more about sexual violence. There were only a few days between my letter and his public address and it was striking, because the party was denying my request for Vulnerable Sector checks, pertaining to Young Liberals and volunteers. It was refusing to respond for the sake of any children in Simcoe-Grey, in the face of criminal charges against an executive. The hypocrisy was astounding and too much salt in a wound to ignore.
The speech was published as part of the Globe and Mail‘s ‘Unfounded‘ series, that investigated police for failing to investigate sexual violence reports. This was relevant to my topic and the LPC censoring its connection to Jared Nolan, so I went the following day to archive a copy of Trudeau’s coincidental comments. But low and behold the speech was missing and not only that, it was completely scrubbed from the Internet. There wasn’t a trace in Google caches and that’s a difficult feat to accomplish in less than a 24-hour turnaround.
It turns out the Globe and Mail rewrote the piece entirely. They added a second author and deleted most of the prime minister’s talking points, while replacing them with an alternate version that was attributed to different politicians. They pointed at police to erase a public record and broke every rule in the ethics guide for Canadian journalists along the way.
I only asked them to be respectable and I had no intention of making this public. I asked for an original copy of the article that contained the speech and I offered the Globe and Mail this exclusive about The Liberalist data, if they could just be straightforward with me. What happened next was straight out of the Twilight Zone and it’s beyond comprehension to paraphrase. The Public Editor responded by accusing me of trying to hack her because I didn’t type in the Globe and Mail font. You read those words correctly and I will let the newspaper speak for itself (begin at the last page for chronological order):
I’m not sure what to do about a mainstream publisher that doesn’t care about ethics, professionalism, or its legal obligations. The Public Editor argues it’s the Globe and Mail‘s right to vandalize history however it pleases. That would mean the paper is nothing more than corporate/government relations and it can’t promote any of its stories as bona fide journalism. I can only hope this becomes a case study, as another pillar of democracy cowers behind vulnerable children. They’re not interested in a story about youths in danger if it’s connected to a political party either.
The tone of my writing is probably changing now, just as it did in real time as this all happened. I’ve maintained professional decorum. I’ve extended patience, empathy, and benefit of the doubt. I’ve been as honest as humanly possible and focused on the greater good of these children. But there comes a point when humanity begins to show through.
It was right before the Simcoe-Grey Federal Liberal Riding Association AGM that I sent Anna Gainey and Rob Jamieson a final email. If you don’t bother to read the other letters, please make sure you sit for a moment with this one. It’s the most pointed words I’ve ever used with the LPC. I preface them by repeating that I make no allegation against any individual and the only thing I’m asking for is an investigation to ensure the safety of children. I don’t claim to know who did what or if anyone is guilty. I only claim to know there is a severe vulnerability created by The Liberalist and that SGFLRA executives need to be interviewed in relation to the Jared Nolan case.
So it can’t be denied that all my letters were received, here is a copy of the ‘read receipts’. Following this, I will address the AGM and the exact perils of youth data in The Liberalist:
I prepared a speech for the Annual General Meeting, despite the fact that it was technically illegal (improper, unregulated, anti-democratic?). No one was allowed to know the name of candidates until the ballots were being distributed. They couldn’t even tell us during the pay-to-play dinner (details in my speech). No Agenda was distributed to members prior to the meeting and the impromptu copy supplied by LPC was contrary to Robert’s Rules for this election. It denied any riding business. It denied the constitutional right to speak. It denied any capacity to deal with an emergency. It approved meeting minutes that were never recorded, seen, or distributed. It approved annual accounting that couldn’t be explained or supported by the treasurer. And it did this all on camera in front of CTV News, with Postmedia bearing witness as well.
The media was invited by the riding association and a few reporters received my prepared address. I brought copies of the LPC Constitution and applicable Bylaws, so no one could dispute my grounds to speak. But the meeting Chair and Returning Officer tried to shut the reporters down. The Chair said he was ‘directed’ to prevent me from speaking and if it was against the rules, he would have to ‘fall on his sword’ to see it through. No one would answer who ‘directed’ this party rep to revoke member rights, but there were phone calls flying and officials for the meeting are delegated by the LPC itself.
When the media wouldn’t kowtow and some members spoke in my support, I convinced the Chair to read my speech during a break and include it in the AGM minutes, despite denying my right to say it aloud. It contained motions to preserve our democracy in the Liberal Party and emergency maneuvers to protect the children. I was specifically denied the right to utter words about Jared Nolan, Vulnerable Sector checks or The Liberalist database.
Here is a copy of my prohibited remarks, that were accepted into the SGFLRA record as silent documentation. No one was taking minutes for this AGM just like the previous meeting produced no minutes; but somewhere, somehow, the Chair assures us that the following is included in them:
It’s worth noting the riding president, Robert Glozier, didn’t attend the AGM. Mike MacEachern didn’t attend the AGM and neither did Christine Guergis-Brayford. The former and latter were elected that night, without anyone being allowed to know they were running. Jeff Kerk was also elected, as the party allows him to interfere with me and my attempts to report to the police. The LPC continues to obstruct parents from knowing what the party does with their children’s most sensitive information.
This is the only video available from the AGM, but more of the event was captured by CTV News. The beginning of this clip is fairly quiet and the second half is crystal clear. It demonstrates the abuses of power undertaken by the Liberal Party of Canada:
About The Liberalist:
I spoke at length with CTV News about their interest to cover this story. It was described as a ‘bombshell’ and ‘nuking the LPC’, but from my humble perspective, it’s just asking people to do the right thing. Due to the Liberal Party of Canada’s unexpected and negative response, I have no choice but to get this information directly to parents. Whether Jared Nolan is convicted or exonerated, it has no bearing on the overall harm being caused by the party. He’s just one example of what could go awry, when you build a non-consensual, unprotected and secret database about children.
Whereas the Conservative Party has a CIMS database that was thoroughly covered by media during the Harper Government, the LPC responded by assembling The Liberalist, built from the same technology used by Democrats and former US President, Barack Obama.
Everyone who purchases a Liberal membership is recorded in the database. Every survey you complete is recorded, to determine your political and psychological interests. What events you attend are recorded. How much you donate is recorded. Your address, contact and family connections are also recorded. This seems pretty harmless and par for the course, in the case of adults.
But more is recorded about children without them even knowing it. A child can be as young as 14 years old to join the party, but they can be even younger to volunteer. No one has to join to be allowed to volunteer and kids in Ontario require 40 community service hours to obtain a high school diploma. Political parties are near the top of the suggested list in many guidance counselor offices.
So what happens when your teenager contacts a Liberal riding association in pursuit of fulfilling their volunteer hours? Someone with Level 3 clearance will engage the student to learn of their interests and availability. The party representative has been instructed by the LPC to fill all the standard fields, as well as:
- Their age
- Personal contact info (cell phones where possible, thereby bypassing parents in many cases)
- School info
- Opinions on any matters
- Their household background and demographics
- If they’re from a single parent family
- Do they have siblings
- Do they drive or need transportation from riding executives
- Relationship status, are they involved in romantic activity yet
- Their activities
- Their schedules
- And any emotional vulnerabilities
They’re also asked to provide the names of friends, so the LPC can recruit new volunteers based on the trust of their referrals. Those children will be recorded in The Liberalist without ever contacting the party, or knowing that someone else provided their information. Kids who request volunteer hours won’t receive a consent page to collect the aforementioned data. They’ll just believe they’re speaking with a party member who cares to hear about their interests.
Once this information is recorded in The Liberalist, any party member with Level 2 or 3 clearance can access their personal details. This is Canada-wide, not even confined to provincial territories. A campaign manager in Nova Scotia can look up the kids in British Columbia if they wanted. Anyone suffering from illness that would cause them to prey on children can track the ones in their region in real time.
When volunteers go door knocking and one of them has a tablet, they’re entering information about the families while chatting with them on the front porch. These people didn’t have an opportunity to consent either. They have no guarantee that a criminal isn’t collecting their data the moment it gets uploaded, because the LPC refuses to implement any protections like Vulnerable Sector checks for party members who manipulate that data.
Yes, Jared Nolan had access to the highest levels of The Liberalist, for the election campaign and then as Executive Vice President of the Simcoe-Grey Federal Liberal Riding Association. He had access to this information for the same amount of time that he spent at the Alliston hospital, because these positions commenced in tandem with one another.
Hospital records can tell you basic facts about a person and provide a phone number easy enough. But Liberalist records can tell you what they think, hope, fear, or struggle with, and where you can find them for a rendez-vous according to their schedules. They may even tell you if a teen is sexually active, based on responses to dating questions.
Making the situation in Simcoe-Grey even more complex, is the fact that one of the executives from the MacEachern entourage is a high school principal. Mr. Kerk and his family have been heavily involved in Big Brothers/Big Sisters as well. I don’t say this to impugn anyone and they must understand that I’m advocating to protect the children around them. While Kerk has been exceptionally angry with me, I would hope he feels the same about preventative measures. MacEachern also works with vulnerable youths through his employment support organization.
The accused, Jared Nolan, had an overabundance of access to children through the party. It’s undeniable and I don’t understand why everyone is rushing to hush me up, instead of rushing to seal the gaps that ever placed these kids in danger. I believe the police need to investigate Nolan’s use of The Liberalist and crosscheck the names of youth complainants with the party database. But that would require cooperation from the LPC and they would rather silence me than have to talk about it. They revoked their own Constitution in the eleventh hour of attempting to mediate and I hope my emails indicate that I made a sincere effort.
Everyone is so angry but I still don’t feel like the bad guy, because I know in my heart this is the right thing to do, under impossible circumstances. When I was young and in the care of CAS, I grew to learn that if something made you feel terrible inside, it needed to be talked about. I won’t throw that lesson away now, because someone is more worried about liability than they are about the children. Politically speaking, a good PR specialist would have owned this and made it a lemonade story. The LPC could have led the way and implemented Vulnerable Sector checks, while challenging every other party to follow suit. If they really wanted to take the hardline votes away from Kellie Leitch, they could have legislated mandatory Vulnerable Sector checks for all volunteer organizations that work with kids. And if really sober people were allowed to sit at the table, there’d be a policy discussion about the collection, handling, and privacy of data.
So that brings us to the end of the AGM, but I’m still not finished making my statement. I began by saying that all democratic pillars fell at the same time and there are a few more calamities to address yet. I’m not religious but I pray now for the Provincial Advocate’s help to make this a teaching moment. This will be the more daunting part that I need to explain and I can’t stress enough that I’m not out to ‘get’ anyone. If you just granted these conversations we wouldn’t be here, but everyone doubled-down at the same time to completely paralyze the investigation.
I’ll begin with CTV News and their negotiations to do this story. They have footage from the AGM and all the documents I’ve provided here. First they wanted to interview me on camera. Then they didn’t. Producers didn’t want to cover the ‘procedural stuff’ and they were only interested in The Liberalist. Then they needed another witness to verify how the database works, as a condition of running that part of the story. Under the strictest of conditions, I put them in touch with a source that had to remain protected. That person was professionally significant and provided anonymous interview, corroborating what I’ve explained. CTV got exactly what it asked for and then changed the terms.
The reporter, just like police I’ve had an opportunity to actually speak with, was supportive and helpful. He wrote the proposed story and submitted to his superiors, only to be reassigned for the next week straight. He wasn’t able to look at The Liberalist material, but did keep pushing to do the story. I don’t hold any of this against the journalist, but the producers are a different story. They reneged the agreement to produce another witness and wanted to push for more.
I was informed by the reporter that CTV News wants him to find a student who volunteered for the riding association to cultivate for the story. ‘Cultivate’ is my description, but I’m including our text messages so you can draw your own conclusion. They would also like to hear evidence against Nolan at the trial that he abused The Liberalist, before CTV News will tell any parents or children about the vulnerability of their information.
I’ve lost all respect for CTV News (as an organization, not the individual reporters). This is not the Fourth Estate and we have countless lessons throughout history that teach us not to behave this way. Cultivating prospective victims has caused the guilty to go free and the innocent to be wrongly convicted. This is not the business of journalism and we have a duty to be ethical in educating and narrating on behalf of others. When I warned the LPC this would be tricky for me to navigate, I meant what I said because I recognize the need to let the justice system handle the Nolan case, while media still needs to educate about the protection and privacy of youth data. I regret the party refused to listen, that they should have addressed this before it became a public safety issue. Because now, a producer starved for ad revenue will decide how they want to pursue your story.
On the flip side they could bury it altogether, like the example from the Globe and Mail. From that perspective we’d have three flavours of state media and the public will continue to tune out until publishers finally get the message and there are no jobs left in Canadian political journalism.
Here are the screencaps regarding CTV and they’ll be followed by developments with the Leitch campaign, Rogers, new evidence, and the Ontario Provincial Police:
They say that politics makes for strange bedfellows and the dynamics in Simcoe-Grey are unique to the entire country. Our MP is Kellie Leitch and if you need assistance, that’s who you have to call. I haven’t been allowed to attend her events since 2011 and that time she called the cops to have me removed, because I was reporting for the national broadcaster. I departed peacefully and there was no need to get upset, for the record.
But I thought, because it’s her riding. And I thought, because it’s a hospital that concerns her. And I thought, because it’s about children that she’d have to uphold her Hippocratic Oath. And I thought, I’d be selling my soul to let her skewer good people in that Leitch campaign style. And I thought, I’d be accused of playing partisan with children’s interests if I didn’t try everything that I’m supposed to.
So I called Nick Kouvalis and tried to explain. We ended up arguing and he quit two days later, but everyone thinks it’s because of an old cuss word because they didn’t know what was going on behind the scenes. In any event, Kellie Leitch wouldn’t speak for the kids in Simcoe-Grey either. At least no one can say that I didn’t try hard enough:
As all these angles were developing, I set out to organize the evidence. I was supposed to meet with Det. Sgt. Rees in the days following the AGM, so I needed to be prepared for that anyway. I had to hunt for a few things and a riding member told me about a picture that was posted to Facebook, showing Mike MacEachern with Jared Nolan and a handful of teenagers volunteering to do the canvass.
I mean Mr. MacEachern no disrespect or suggestion of guilt. He knows I disagree with his past politics toward women, but they don’t automatically suggest wrongdoing. I wouldn’t want to be accused of heinous crimes for having a polar-opposite opinion and I don’t mean to cause anyone else that type of harm. If this picture existed, obviously it could be important to the Nolan case and a lot of riding members are upset about the situation – it’s not just me. The conflicts of interest I’ve mentioned are simple facts and they only need to be mitigated to protect the integrity of the investigation. These are not personal attacks and even if you don’t want to believe that, then consider I can’t afford one lawsuit, let alone one for every person or agency I’ve pissed off throughout the course of this letter. And the worst is yet to come.
When I examined social media in pursuit of this alleged photo, I found that I was blocked from many of the 2016-coup-executive accounts. I had to perform cursory searches to inspect what public information was available. It was then I discovered Jared Nolan’s Facebook account had changed, even though his bail conditions prevent him from going online. His avatar appeared to be displaying a photograph of Jeff Kerk’s children. I won’t publish these pictures of toddlers widely and I regret needing to reference them at all. I will hyperlink for the purpose of an investigation only, and I ask that no one distributes them any further – please. To do so may be an act of child exploitation in itself, if this evidence becomes valid to the Nolan investigation. I do this because I am genuinely concerned for the safety of these young persons and possibly their family, and I have no other way of notifying the authorities (more info regarding that obstruction below).
This is a link to an archived copy of the Jared Nolan account, displaying the noted photograph.
This is a link to an archived copy of the avatar photo expanded, that includes access to Facebook metadata from the original page. I hope it will assist law enforcement in researching the details, to determine who might have posted this and when.
I’m not positive if this is a photo of Mr. Kerk’s children, but comparative analysis has led me to this concern. I overlaid the photo from Nolan’s account with others that were published by the Kerk family and despite a small age difference between the images, it does appear to be the same girl. Her ears are unique and constant throughout these comparisons.
If it seems odd that I would take such a step, it’s because I know this Nolan account to be legitimate and that it has changed since the accused was legally prohibited from accessing the Internet.
With the greatest and most sincere apology to Jeff Kerk, this is a link to a photo he posted of his little girl, campaigning with Mike MacEachern in the 2015 election.
These photos were so unhinging and needed to be collected due to another development on social media. When I was researching the accused, I stumbled on a Facebook account for “Jeff Jared Kerk Nolan” that I was not familiar with existing in the past:
I don’t know who created the account but it’s definitely contrary to the Facebook user agreement. It appears to be relevant to the investigation and I’m unclear if it was shared between the two SGFLRA executives, or if it may represent a threat to the Kerk family, or possibly a cry for help. The only claim I’m making is that police need to inquire about its purpose, to ensure no children are in danger, including the Kerks.
Because I’ve been threatened by Jeff Kerk directly, with full knowledge and power of the party, I attempted to bring this to the attention of police, instead of addressing the matter in private. I have never tried to inflame this situation for children to bear the consequence and I couldn’t have predicted the responses from LPC, the media, or what was about to happen with the Ontario Provincial Police.
I was supposed to hear from Detective Sergeant Doug Rees at the OPP Headquarters in Orillia, the same week as the riding association’s AGM. Preliminary contact was negotiated through Constable Monroe (as mentioned earlier) and a physical meeting was supposed to occur in the week of February 20, 2017, to facilitate my report and submission of evidence. It had now been more than three months since police lost my report to Constable Callahan, and through various administrative dysfunctions or confusion about jurisdiction, failed to receive the information via three different officers already. In the meantime Nolan had another hearing and his case was winding through the courts.
On February 22, 2017, I called the OPP Headquarters to ask for Det. Sgt. Rees. It was the middle of the week and I hadn’t heard from him yet, as the Facebook evidence was weighing on me heavily. Administrative staff by the name of Randy Shore answered the call (in the vicinity of 3:30pm EST), and reported there was no Det. Sgt. Rees within the Ontario Provincial Police.
I politely responded that I was sure about the information and I was scheduled to communicate with the officer this week. I explained knowing he was the lead investigator for the Nolan case and that our meeting was delayed because he was ‘stuck in Eastern Ontario executing a search warrant’ in the week prior.
This caused Mr. Shore to put me on hold as he checked some information. He returned to confirm that Det. Sgt. Rees is in fact an OPP officer, but just like the problem with Barrie Police and the CAP Unit, there was a separate database to locate him. Shore wasn’t able to give me an extension number for the investigator, but he asked me to wait as he placed a call to the officer’s mobile telephone.
Shortly after, the OPP Headquarters called back. Mr. Shore informed me that Det. Sgt. Rees is refusing to speak with me, or meet with me in any capacity. I retorted this must be a mistake and I explained about the intervention of Constable Monroe, that he already planned to meet with me, to accept my evidence and report.
Mr. Shore was caught off guard and responded that he might have misunderstood what the sergeant meant. He asked me to wait again, as he called the officer to clarify his position. I added that I have new evidence pertaining to the safety of children and that I’m deeply concerned it’s been impossible to share it with the police. If they refused to accept a report, then I would have no choice but to make the information public.
Shore then responded, ‘I guess I should do my duty and ask if kids are in immediate danger‘. I replied that I didn’t know and it may be possible – that’s why getting the evidence to police was imperative to do a proper risk assessment. It was on this note that we disconnected our call and Shore was supposed to call me back immediately, after gaining clarification from Det. Sgt. Rees.
But my telephone didn’t ring for an hour and a half, so I called the OPP Headquarters back myself. I was stunned to find the office had closed and no one would be addressing these issues today, even though I explained a threat assessment was required for children at risk. That report in itself, was left in limbo. I also haven’t taken the time yet to read the Police Services Act because I’ve been dealing with these emergencies, but I’m positive that somewhere it must say that law enforcement is required to accept reports and provide the administrative numbers associated with them.
The following day, on February 23, 2017 at 10:08am EST, Detective Sergeant Rees finally called me back from his mobile device. Whereas my conversations with other officers were generally pleasant and supportive, Det. Sgt. Rees was quite aggressive and arrogant. He demanded to know what evidence I possess and I tried to explain it requires a full background to appreciate the substance of my report.
This made the officer angry and he demanded, ‘What evidence do you have, what evidence do you have, what evidence do you have‘? I felt intimidated and I began by humbly trying to explain the pages from Facebook first. I was belittled for this and the detective stated he didn’t care about a relationship between Jared Nolan and Jeff Kerk. He said if I was worried about children to report separately to my own detachment, because he refused to accept this as being related to the Nolan case.
I then tried to explain that I had more evidence of Nolan’s information being altered, to conceal his access to children. I mentioned the Liberal website tampering, the LinkedIn page and that police didn’t understand the significance of his access to The Liberalist. It was at this point that I became extremely disheartened, because Det. Sgt. Rees laughed at me and reiterated he would never meet to take a report.
My face paled and I was astonished. I pleaded that it was important for police to have this context and it further relates to physical contact with partisan youth volunteers. But just like the Liberal Party Chair at the AGM was predetermined to silence me, the OPP became adamant about preventing my report as well. The latter changed its direction 180 degrees over the course of one week and I couldn’t understand why, if it’s not related to the conflict of interest issues I expressed in the beginning. Were they not being negligent in failing to check if Kerk’s children were being threatened in any way? At the very least they decided that possibility was ‘Unfounded’ without examining any of the evidence.
Exasperated by now, I told the detective he was forcing me to publish this information if the OPP refused to receive it. It relates to the public safety and I would also have to complain to his superiors. But Det. Sgt. Rees continued laughing and taunted me to follow through. He said, “Go ahead and publish whatever you want,” and through his authority, I believe I have police permission to do what I’m doing today.
I didn’t overreact or respond in anger and haste. Instead I telephoned Constable Coopman from the Barrie Police Service, because he was helpful and receptive in my experience with trying to report. Unfortunately the officer wasn’t available so I left two messages on his voicemail. I explained what happened with Det. Sgt. Rees and that I didn’t think it was advisable to publish everything to the general public. I didn’t think it would help the case or any affected parties, if they encouraged these matters to proceed extra-judicially. I didn’t think it would look good on the police if they forced me to do this either.
Those messages were left on February 23, 2017 and I didn’t receive a callback until yesterday, March the 3rd. Constable Coopman inquired if I was considering civil action and I was stunned by that question as well. I said I wasn’t, which led to him inquiring why I called and what did I expect him to do.
I told Constable Coopman that I wasn’t sure how to proceed and that I felt I had police permission to make these matters public, in light of the response from Det. Sgt. Rees. As an officer of the Barrie Police Service he wasn’t able to comment and I asked him to help me obtain the report number from my original contact with Constable Callahan, in lieu. I don’t know what will come of this because PC Coopman is off work for nearly the next week, but he said he will inquire about what’s happening ‘behind the scenes‘. I’m not even sure if I’ll be able to obtain my original report number, so I’ve done my best to document this contact independently, to show what’s happened with the police.
There is nothing more daunting than having to confront law enforcement and I sought to avoid these complications since the beginning. In addition to MacEachern’s own comments about his influence over the OPP (linked earlier), there is plenty of evidence this type of pressure was exercised in all local matters. Therefore, I attempted to collect my phone records to document what I could.
That brings us to the final pillar collapsing and my experience with the policies at Rogers Communications. My conversations with the BPS and OPP transpired over both my landline and cell phone. The mobile device automatically records the data for all incoming and outgoing calls, whether local or long distance. It also displays the call duration as a matter of basic service, so I was able to screencap a record of that without assistance.
In the case of a landline however, the service provider must be contacted through a privacy request for information. Even if you purchased call display, there is additional charge from Rogers to obtain the details of a home phone. Unfortunately for this case and the safety of children, the majority of my conversations with police occurred on the home phone.
It took a total of three days for Rogers to provide me with accurate instructions. Customer service reps provided the wrong information and Live Chat reps weren’t able to deal with the matter. I had to push hard to get in contact with the manager centre in Dartmouth, just to explain. No one was listening that my request was due to ‘exigent circumstances’ and the safety of children.
Upon sending my privacy request, it was kicked back by the legal department. They first refused to provide anything at all and would only respond to a subpoena, to provide my records to the police. They wouldn’t let me obtain my own calling data, even though I wasn’t asking for anything more than what my cell phone provides by default.
I explained the police wouldn’t subpoena the records because this related to a complaint about professional misconduct against them. I don’t understand why Rogers won’t let me prove my own activities and the services I pay for, but they will give my records directly to the party that I need to complain about. There’s something very wrong about this that causes an actual police state. How am I not supposed to feel intimidated, when the entire system is allowed to collaborate to gaslight youth complainants, their witnesses, or advocates?
Given this strange anomaly, I amended my request to Rogers. I specified that I only need proof of my calls with police phone numbers and the duration of those communications. I’ve spent numerous hours reporting on the telephone and my records will surely prove this. Then law enforcement will need to explain why there are no report numbers to associate with our lengthy conversations. For three full months this stonewalling and unaccountability has persisted. For three months I’ve known that children may be compromised and I’ve tried everything possible to report it. And for three months the Nolan case has been progressing through the courts, lacking what may be some rather important evidence.
Rogers has decided to provide a copy of my outgoing calls only. It won’t let me prove that police have ever called my house. It also won’t acknowledge ‘exigent circumstances’ and refuses to expedite my request. The company won’t respond to children in danger and complaints involving child pornography will have to wait in line, just like everything else. The police are allowed to take all my records from Rogers to defend against this complaint, though.
Please see my communications with the Rogers legal department about these concerns:
Please see photos of the calls I was able document with police as well:
I reiterate that I do not know if my report will be relevant to a conviction or the defence. I reiterate that Jared Nolan is presumed innocent and a trial hasn’t concluded to determine the outcome of these allegations. I reiterate that everyone named in this letter is also presumed innocent of being involved in any way. But along with the presumption of innocence, our Charter provides for a full and fair hearing of all the evidence, to determine a legitimate outcome. This is meant to protect both the complainants and defendants, in an adversarial system where everyone adheres to the same rules.
In closing, I’ve addressed many issues that have arisen from this case. The matters pertaining to law enforcement require a resolution before a miscarriage of justice can be alleged by any of the parties. I sincerely believe the probe will be incomplete if it doesn’t examine access to youths through The Liberalist and ensure child complainants don’t appear in that sensitive database. There is a distinct possibility for crossover between the hospital and the riding association. It’s possible that current evidence could appear misleading if it doesn’t have the rest of this context. I also believe the Facebook evidence needs to be evaluated, to assess if any members of the Kerk family are in danger, regardless of the Nolan case.
Regarding the Liberal Party of Canada, they need to confront the consequence of their actions, or lack thereof. Why are they concealing Nolan’s relationship to the party and a treasure trove of extremely sensitive data about children? Why will they take no steps to secure that data from criminal abuse? Why won’t they discuss the type of information they collect about children and whether this action is ethical in the first place? Why won’t they conduct an internal investigation, to at least determine if the high school students recruited by a fellow executive and school principal were impacted in any way? Why won’t they let youths and their parents determine control of their own privacy permissions? Why won’t they alert families to speak with their children, to ensure no abuses have been committed through the party?
A lot of good-meaning Liberals are distraught about this situation. Some who have entered these details about children into The Liberalist database are now questioning themselves and how ‘stupid’ they might have been. They sought this information on behalf of the party with the best of intentions, hoping it would allow them to be sensitive toward the next generation of pundits. No one really considered the way this data could be abused, until the case of Jared Nolan brought that possibility to our doorsteps.
In the case of Simcoe-Grey, there were past boards of directors that did require Vulnerable Sector checks to become a youth representative. But as we’ve learned, these traditions are optional and individual to every riding association across Canada. It requires party leadership and mandatory regulation, because national databases require national oversight. The 2016-coup-executive didn’t require safety precautions and it left us with the current situation.
While there is no way to completely protect children without any gaps in the system, failing and even refusing to implement Vulnerable Sector checks for users of The Liberalist database may be a breach of fiduciary duty. It’s an unnecessary source of risk that blatantly invites abusers to join the party and take advantage of it. Individuals who suffer from psychological illness that would cause them to become a child predator can’t control their impulses and this fact is wholly established by the justice system. So why invite damage that can last a lifetime, to the kids who represent our collective future?
This situation has left me in a such position, that all I can do is hold up a mirror. Every pillar of democracy has been afflicted by the Unfounded illness, that prevents us from evolving past it. The police are waiting for me to break this information with the news, to give them cause to investigate. The news is hoping to find its own victims, before it will tell the public or police. And the LPC appears to be silencing anyone who tries to remedy the threat to children. I’m not the only person writing letters to the party and every single member has been ignored. Some are threatening to cancel their donations and even that hasn’t merited a response.
These collective behaviours have served to paralyze the Nolan investigation, as well as the entire establishment. One pillar won’t hold the other accountable and if that continues, it would represent the collapse of our democracy. I’m hopeful this is an opportunity for everyone to show leadership, if I sit you down at the same table to talk about these matters frankly. I’m not looking to sue anyone and I claim no personal damages, but I can’t let this go until you acknowledge your responsibilities to the children of Canada. I add this problem is not unique to the Liberal Party alone, and all partisan organizations must collaborate to find a solution, before Gen Y becomes the generation that doesn’t vote.
Yours very truly,
***Edit, March 6, 2017 at 6:45pm EST:
To assist with understanding the implications of Jared Nolan’s access to The Liberalist database, I’m including archived links to a majority of the party’s user guide. At this moment the website is still live and you can visit the original pages to inspect further. Unfortunately archiving isn’t able to replicate the proprietary videos that appear on some pages, but I advise visiting the direct source to view these illuminating tutorials.
I also note that all sections describe Level 1 and Level 2 access. While Level 3 is mentioned as having administrative powers, the guides do not describe what those powers are. My letter above addresses that missing information regarding Level 3, that Mr. Nolan is believed to possess throughout the MacEachern election campaign, as well as the riding association as the Executive Vice President. He maintained this access for a period of 2 years and it was the identical amount of time he spent employed at the Stevenson Memorial Hospital.
My speech for the AGM addresses the fact that the Liberal Party of Canada didn’t take any steps to revoke his permissions as an administrative, precautionary, or disciplinary action. The party claims it asked for Nolan’s resignation upon learning of the charges, but to my understanding, nearly 2 months lapsed before Nolan agreed to abdicate. Therefore he maintained access to this sensitive youth data, even under strict bail conditions regarding the exploitation of children. I couldn’t know if Nolan continued exercising that access while prohibited from the internet, but the LPC didn’t seek to prohibit him or any alleged predators from logging into The Liberalist, by denying a response, cooperation with the investigation, or the implementation of Vulnerable Sector checks for this (or any) riding association.
I allege the LPC is entrenching its plausible liability, by refusing to protect the most sensitive information about voters and their children, in the party’s exclusive possession. This is exacerbated by the fact that the LPC advertises access to this data, in an effort to attract volunteers they decline to screen for criminal reference, before handing over information like youth schedules, school identification, dating info, family info, contact info, and emotional vulnerabilities. This was always a nightmare waiting to happen and it must be amended forthwith.
(Liberal and Liberalist websites are built from WordPress bases. Although this blogging/website platform is one of the most convenient and easy to use, it’s also one of the least secure ways to store data on the internet and is subject to countless amateur hacking attempts, as well as practice for data engineers in training. This is a well known fact to the data, privacy and security communities: https://archive.is/8zy8z And despite the fact that LPC claims ownership of the data they collect, it’s managed by an American company and stored on American servers. This subjects the information to US oversight and the US Patriot Act, in addition to anyone like the accused, Jared Nolan, who was granted the highest access without a Vulnerable Sector check.)
Liberal Data Warehouse https://archive.is/oksXT
User Guide for The Liberalist – Levels 1 and 2:
Liberalist user guide index https://archive.is/DaTvW
Introduction to Liberalist (includes info about tech creation in US) https://archive.is/VcRL5
Account types https://archive.is/VllzI
Request an account https://archive.is/jDhT1
Finding your active accounts https://archive.is/Hh0Cw
Log in https://archive.is/yDZsC
Setting up your Action ID https://archive.is/jrhac
Linking multiple accounts with Action ID https://archive.is/Z3UO0
Set up profile https://archive.is/TWqyt
Creating Level 1 & 2 accounts https://archive.is/2hID1
Finding individuals https://archive.is/qniGE
Quick look up https://archive.is/mo0Vy
Customizing quick look up https://archive.is/HyYdM
Individual record overview https://archive.is/pegTh
Individual record components (for adults, includes ‘activist codes’) https://archive.is/Waenu
Comparing My Voters and Shared Contacts https://archive.is/R738l
Creating a list of Shared Contacts without My Voter file https://archive.is/q9lDW
Linking My Voters with a Shared Contact file https://archive.is/vjZGI
Create lists https://archive.is/3mXaO
Basics of creating a list https://archive.is/g9WoZ
Types of lists https://archive.is/45c8E
Registered Liberals list https://archive.is/EQqAA
Supporter list https://archive.is/8t9LZ
Donor list https://archive.is/nn8Z3
Transportation list (for volunteers & voters who need rides, page now censored) https://archive.is/Uj6ug
Vote history list https://archive.is/C14as
Finding Liberals and other affiliations https://archive.is/kHmPX
Refining a list https://archive.is/JJe6B
Saving and editing a list https://archive.is/V77mx
Sharing lists https://archive.is/c7qBZ
Data entry https://archive.is/p4zCi
Quick Mark https://archive.is/7JShN
Scan bar codes https://archive.is/PQnPh
MiniVAN (mobile app for real time data entry) https://archive.is/ndTJk
Data entry for voting information https://archive.is/ulVZB
Volunteer recruitment (doesn’t address kids or Level 3, however) https://archive.is/WSoQJ
Stages of recruitment in volunteer program https://archive.is/FAmwV
List creation for volunteer recruitment https://archive.is/LQkA5
New volunteer list https://archive.is/B9Equ
Past volunteer list https://archive.is/kRB6G
Active volunteer list https://archive.is/eiUYa
Flagging your volunteers https://archive.is/hqT0f
Creating an event in Liberalist https://archive.is/kyS2k
Develop a script for volunteer recruitment https://archive.is/oJw46
Create a Virtual Phone Bank (without party oversight to schedule robocalls) https://archive.is/3gQIw
Communications overview https://archive.is/L76fl
Customizing your canvass overview (Level 3 mentioned) https://archive.is/5hWH0
Virtual Phone Bank overview https://archive.is/uxkRb
Sharing your Virtual Phone Bank https://archive.is/MR2bG
Email Blast overview https://archive.is/HZtZ3
Email Blast analytics https://archive.is/Z1sgc
Voice broadcasts overview https://archive.is/DVhXq
Broadcast survey overview https://archive.is/ubla1
Predictive dialer https://archive.is/lAACV
Create phone bank user group https://archive.is/g7dvN
Send your list to predictive dialer https://archive.is/N3aZ0
Customizing your canvass https://archive.is/5hWH0
Creating a canvass list https://archive.is/dnMk0
Create a list using Turfcutter https://archive.is/T0pZO
Create a canvass list by poll https://archive.is/LoqDo
Split your report https://archive.is/Ut0c8
Door to door canvass overview https://archive.is/MXfnv
Using Manage Turf https://archive.is/dVXRU
Generating list numbers with Manage Turf https://archive.is/gLdPD
Sending a list to MiniVAN (mobile app) https://archive.is/nvFnA
Using MiniVAN (mobile app) https://archive.is/ndTJk
Canvass sheet components (mentions Level 3, categorize by political party) https://archive.is/xKw45
Phone canvassing https://archive.is/2MUXl
Making a phone list (based on identities in household) https://archive.is/uvzn5
Campaign tools https://archive.is/tXUvX
Geo Liberal (dot) ca https://archive.is/puxoP
GOTV events https://archive.is/qFGc9
Create staging location events https://archive.is/uQkfV
Create list of your volunteers for GOTV https://archive.is/wVEhj
Creating your GOTV script https://archive.is/PN0tW
Using phone bank for onboarding volunteers (seeks personal schedules) https://archive.is/cvCVq
Assigning roles to your volunteers https://archive.is/Q2WyQ
Use Geo Liberal (dot) ca to plan staging locations https://archive.is/pzdVS
Using counts and crosstabs to plan staging locations https://archive.is/6bRAG
Creating poll kits https://archive.is/OETs6
Find out how many door knockers you need https://archive.is/AJLY9
Creating lists of early voters (with data from Elections Canada) https://archive.is/nnrUl
Analyzing your vote https://archive.is/1Kwg2
Analyzing your vote (original videos http://liberalist.liberal.ca/analyzing-your-vote/)
Adding new voters https://archive.is/hPEjq
Adding new voters (original video http://liberalist.liberal.ca/adding-new-voters-tool/)
Rules for adding new voters https://archive.is/ZuWYV
Process for adding new voters https://archive.is/IWQBs
Managing ride requests https://archive.is/Rh8G0
Create transportation list https://archive.is/amLXQ
Scheduling rides https://archive.is/iePnV
Literature drops https://archive.is/AgND4
Data entry for voting information https://archive.is/ulVZB
Smartphone data entry for voting information https://archive.is/WtpWZ
Smartphone data entry (original video http://liberalist.liberal.ca/user-guide/data-entryvoting-information/)
Bingo sheet data entry https://archive.is/EMx6x
Finding out who voted https://archive.is/nnrUl
Event management overview https://archive.is/tIInN
Private events https://archive.is/92CYf
Public events https://archive.is/2StG1
Schedule volunteers or participants for events https://archive.is/lW6XR
Marking attendees https://archive.is/W3IuQ
Using My List to schedule volunteers or participants https://archive.is/FLGa2
Promoting your event https://archive.is/drzBA
Managing volunteers and participants https://archive.is/WAJ9L
View participants to your event https://archive.is/twHDY
Create a list of attendees https://archive.is/wlXBH
Marking attendees https://archive.is/W3IuQ
Data analysis https://archive.is/YTQn4
Analyze canvass results https://archive.is/Vapdh
Setting report preferences https://archive.is/fAqza
Counts and crosstabs overview https://archive.is/Zk3f3
Layouts of counts and crosstabs (ex. search by sex) https://archive.is/QG159
My Voters variables (assign ‘activist codes’ to identify personal traits) https://archive.is/8wnKe
Shared Contacts variables (assign ‘activist codes’ to identify personal traits) https://archive.is/JCZhd
Analyze a specific list https://archive.is/omVwH
Analyze list of Voter IDs by poll https://archive.is/2Bv5L
(Voter IDs arise from Elections Canada. They’re amalgamated with LPC data collected on these individuals, to build the greater psychological profile)
Analyze your volunteers by volunteer stage https://archive.is/FmeL9
Schedule automated reports (daily, weekly, monthly) to track individuals https://archive.is/SB6QO
Membership, Victory Fund and Laurier Club donor lists https://archive.is/i69Uq
Liberalist User Agreement (claims proprietary ownership of all surveillance data about volunteers, voters, and households) https://archive.is/GUmqy
Train to be a Liberalist Champion https://archive.is/JBdN7
Data entry training for volunteers https://archive.is/3SF8U
Liberalist training videos (for Levels 1 & 2 but no info for Level 3) http://liberalist.liberal.ca/video/